Banji Ojewale
If Sudan and Hong Kong should visit Nigeria today, the world
might not be in much shock at the outcome of the trip. I’m sure of two
consequences. First, we would be unprepared for them, despite the handwriting
on the wall alerting us that we’ve been found wanting in the balances. In much
of our post-independence history, we were never seen to be ready for events
that came calling like a ‘thief in the night’. How do we handle nocturnal robbers?
We don’t cuddle them. We cull them.
Secondly, flowing from the first, our leaders would misread
the signs of the times and accord the strangers a most satanic, sanguinary and
smoky reception. Ditto for the local ‘malcontents’ hosting them. Our leaders
would chase them to the outermost and innermost parts of the land and mete out
penalty outstripping their impudence that brought in Hong Kong and Sudan. They
wouldn’t listen to the plea that nobody needed to extend them any invitation,
that the world has gravely shrunk such that nations now exist like
condominiums. We can hear you snore in the apartment across. We are in touch
with each other at the press of a palm-size device without flying out. Though
thousands of kilometers away apart from each other, separated by land and
water, we still compare notes to find out what to pick from others to fill up
what’s missing in our life. It’s a natural course.
A few among us have said Sudan can’t make a landing here
because over there it was an unappeasable sit-tight president who made it
impossible for peaceful change to take place. Omar al-Bashir had been in
absolute power for three decades. But his implacable palate for power sought
more days in office. The citizens disallowed him and when he wouldn’t leave in peace
in the face of worsening economic woes, a popular uprising took over and
toppled him. So, Sudan was caught fulfilling the sapient saying of JF Kennedy,
the 35th president of the United States of America: ‘’Those who make
peaceful revolution impossible, will make violent revolution inevitable.’’
Now, some of us say we don’t have the same conditions to
grow the discontent that threw out the ‘eternal-term’ Arab leader in North
Africa. They argue we don’t have a frozen president who has repelled moves to
be melted or thawed out of office. But Nigeria has had petrified existence as a
result of the unbroken succession of leaders and governments that symbolize the
sit-tight syndrome of the recycling of the same figures. Their names and
political parties change each election season. Yet they bear the same spirit.
That’s the still scene in nearly 60 years of our contemporary history. A crowd
of different faces. But it’s all a going and coming of the same political and
economic philosophy. The abiku or ogbanje of Nigerian politics. Let’s seek help
from the epigrammatic declaration of the 19th century French critic,
journalist and novelist, Jean-Baptiste Alphonse Karr. He wrote: ‘’Plus ça
change, plus c’est la même chose.’’ Loose meaning: The more things (appear to)
change, the more they stay the same. The question is: can we spot a difference
between one man who has been in office for a century flaunting the same
feckless ideas about government and a changing cameo of rulers who displace
each other periodically with a display of the same jejune notions over the same
period? Are the choices so constricted between having one man do the bad
government over a long time and having a chain of others share the long season
of bad government among persons of the same destructive ideas? What’s
paramount, deep-seated content and quality of governance that improves the lot
of the masses or its ephemeral ‘democratic’ appurtenances that rate perpetually
flawed elections and their gladiators more prized than the people?
So Sudan has been a quest to rid the country first, of a man
and his gang who prevented the people from benefiting from advantageous
politics, and secondly, to deal with the military who are hijacking the
liberation agenda after the removal of al-Bashir. The world is empathizing with
the Sudanese nationalists as they watch them move from one phase of the ongoing
struggle to another.
Nor has Hong Kong escaped the global gaze. Hong Kongers have
been holding unprecedented protests involving hundreds of thousands of citizens
demonstrating against a bill requiring the extradition to China for suspects
accused of criminal misdeeds like murder and rape. The authorities have been
forced to scrap the law, but the streets and other visible public places are
not empty. The protests are spreading to accommodate comprehensive demands for
‘democratic’ changes to enable more people access political power in the
territory. The point to note in Hong Kong is that the people have had their way
in overthrowing a law they didn’t want. The government’s way shouldn’t count in
the long run if it contradicts the yearnings of the people. Common challenge to
noxious official policies like what Hong Kongers succeeded in aborting is
needed to teach psychological lessons, chief being that the dustbin is the home
place of a piece of legislation that is detested by the populace. Government
does not need to go round in circles over anti-people decisions that draw out
protesters.
It is also a flight from reality to claim, as the amiable
presidential media spokesman, Garba Shehu did the other day that ‘’the days of
… revolutions are over.’’ They are not over, according to what’s going on
around us. But we won’t see it if we
replay the experience of Rip Van Winkle. In Washington Irving’s fiction of
colonial America setting, Rip Van Winkle falls asleep for 20 years. When he
wakes up, he has missed one of the biggest events in world history, the
American Revolution. The Poet Laureate of Great Britain in the 19th
century, Alfred Lord Tennyson, wrote a poem, Idylls of the King, where the main
character expresses the dynamics of unavoidable change: ‘’The old order
changeth, yielding place to new, And God fulfils himself in many ways, Lest one
good custom should corrupt the world.’’
As long as there is secular society with manifestations
symptomatic of imperfections, injustice, inequality, illiteracy, ignorance,
poverty, corruption etc. all due to a baneful and godless administration of
state resources, there will be demand for radical and disruptive changes. Garba
Shehu can’t deny that we’ve had the Arab Spring uprisings in the Middle-East
and North Africa in this age. We are also ear- and eyewitnesses to the current
clamor in the Sudan, Algeria and Hong Kong. A corroded structure can’t
withstand a strong current.
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