You never change things by fighting the existing reality. To change something, build a new model that makes the existing model obsolete. – Richard Buckminster Fuller.

Elections have come and gone. The question is: What happens after elections? Wait for another four years to perform another ritual of elections with little or no impact on the electorate? Besides, the degree of violence, political nuclearisation, money-bagged electoral marketing with votes buying, ballot snatching, ballot burning, etc. are so high that all the multiple peace accords are reduced to paper exercise. Further, these recent electoral processes have confirmed that no amount of technological devices can resolve electoral malady as political hawkism has developed surreptitious adaptation strategies at surviving at all costs during and after elections.

The engagement of the military in electoral process further disengaged the citizens from democratic system. From 1999 till date, the Nigerian political class has made a mockery of our society in the face of international community. It is clear that the present socio-economic, techno-political and environmental crisis require a shift in thinking and practice from entrenched colonial paradigm and ideology to Africentric development regime that prioritises endogenous knowledge economy, which responds to the yearning and aspirations of the citizenry.

The rethinking will help us in discovering the missing links within our polity and political economy. This is because the present economic crisis is not disappearing now simply due to the fact that Nigeria is producing about 2 million graduates annually into already job saturated market, where these graduates still eat from their parents, whose salary/pensions are either not paid or half paid. To worsen the case, there is a large scale retrenchment of workers in big companies, thus doubling workloads on existing workers. This high level of deprivation being experienced by Nigerians is confirmed by the current World Poverty Clock indicating that Nigeria has over 87 million people living in poverty with six Nigerians fall into poverty every minute as extreme poverty is growing. The only way out for us in Nigeria is to implement new ideas on polycentric planning and problem-solving entrepreneurship.

Unfortunately, all discussions by public and political economy analysts lack problem-solving tendency; they only propagate theoretical formulations, empirical analysis, knowledge generation and policy formulation syndrome, which are grossly insufficient to deal with the present governance crisis and development dilemma. Analysis of our problems for the next ten decades does not solve our problems; rather problem-solving thinking will help us resolve our challenges and problems. Problem-solving entrepreneurship with pragmatism and practical application of new ideas are imperative to deal with the challenges of modern-day Nigeria. The post-election management conference being proposed will be a waste of time and resources because there is no any strategy whatsoever that can eliminate all these elections related ugly experiences when we focus on elections only in our democratic engagement, while other essential aspects of democracy are neglected.

The late President, Musa Yar Adua admitted that the election that brought him to power in 2007 was highly flawed, which he promised to correct the electoral anomaly yet there has been an increase in electoral violence and deaths of citizens. For example, in 2003, over 300 persons were killed, the figure rose rapidly to over 800 deaths in 2011, over 50 persons died during elections in 2015, while the present rate of casualty is above 35 deaths of human beings. For these citizens to have died in the course of electing leaders confirmed that the leaders that emerged are not true leaders.

There are two schools of thought on post-elections debates/conference: (a) The first school of thought is on “Post-Elections Debate/Conference on INEC”, while the second school of thought is on “Post-Elections Debate/Conference on Democratic Governance and National Development.”

Post-Elections Debate/Conference on INEC

Supporters of this school of thought are of the view that INEC should be unbundled into separate units whereby different agencies can handled different activities such as (i) voter education, (ii) 100% electronic voting that will include the Diaspora, (iii) Local printing of election materials, (iv) Haulage and transportation of election materials, (v) Peace accord and electoral peace, (vi) Speed prosecution of electoral offenders to serve as deterrent to others, etc.

Considering the fact that election accounts for 5% of democratisation/federalism, the adoption of this school of thought will be the worst in the history of Nigerian democratic experience because more resources will be spent; large sum of money will be stolen by officials of various categories; citizens will be killed; political hawkism will still operate unfettered, etc. By 2023, if this school of thought is adopted, a reinforced cycle of violence, new method of rigging, 2023-version of vote buying, etc. will be witnessed in new dimensions. At the same time, between 2019 and 2023, poverty must have worsened and unemployment heightened as 8 million graduates (2 million x 4 years) must have been produced into already job saturated market, while the trend of retrenchment will continue unabated. Invariably, organising debate/conference around INEC activities alone will be tantamount to postponing solution to Nigerian democratic and development crisis.

Post-Elections Debate/Conference on Democratic Governance and National Development

The school of thought on “Post-elections debate/conference on Democratic Governance and National Development” is holistic and comprehensive as the debate will capture several factors that resonate around sound democratic governance (election inclusive) and national development. This school will engage in a multi-disciplinary strategy that will identify the links between elections and democratisation/federalism, democratisation and development, etc.

For this school of thought, five factors that are highly problematic for Nigeria will be addressed: (1) Persistent and current governance crisis and development dilemma are a reflection of photocopy of ideas and policy borrowing from abroad that are reducing citizens’ welfare; (2) Past and present political actors have no specific ideas and strategies on how to resolve the current crisis, while academics fail to engage problem-solving ideas and strategies; (3) Marginalisation, exclusion and corresponding agitations by ethnic minorities for inclusiveness; (4) Devotion of large resources to elections which account for 5% of democratisation in spite of the fact that the electorate have no control over the elected officials after elections; (5) Impeding national crisis due to increasing hiked prices of food items, heightened poverty, increased youth joblessness, deepened insecurity, wanton destruction of lives and property, forlorn hope, etc. These are the critical national issues that should border intending leaders or current leaders and as a matter of fact, any well-meaning Nigerian.

For example, with 5% of democratisation, even if an ‘angel’ is voted to power, there cannot be improvement in the delivery of dividend of democracy to the electorate. Recent awkward events that have enveloped us and claimed over 35 lives, sapped our energies, time and financial resources (INEC budget = N242Bill.) (Nigerian Tribune, Tuesday 5, March, 2019, pp.15,40) as a nation are a pointer to the fact that we are yet to understand the rudiments and rubrics of democratisation as a bundle with 21 elements. Here with us is electoral system of deaths where civilians killed the military and the military, in turn, killed civilians. The question is: why should we devote so much resources and waste human lives on elections which account for about 5% of democratisation when we know that the electorate have no control over the elected officials after elections? What do we do with the other 95% of democratisation/federalism?

The dampening of the morale of the electorate as indicated by decreasing rate of voters turn-out from 70% in 1999 to about 42% in 2015 and 34.7% in 2019 strongly confirmed the disengagement of the people that can be described as false democratisation. It can be inferred that the higher the number of elections the people participated and there was no dividend of democracy, the less the rate of voters turn-out. This confirms that elections that do not benefit the electorate serve as discouraging factor for future participation. Political thuggery and assassination also distorted and dent electoral process in Nigeria as thugs intimidate and terrorize their opponents and other innocent citizens; thus further reduced voters turn-out.

“The term democracy implies that people govern. ‘The government,’ however, is plainly not the people. People vote and elect representatives who participate in the government. Voting is a very slender thread, hardly strong enough to let us presume that people, by electing representatives, govern. The ordinary use of language strongly implies that the government governs” (V. Ostrom 1994:5). But reality on ground in Nigeria confirmed that government governs in a limited sense as demonstrated by calamitous failure of the state in responding to the socio-economic aspirations of the citizenry. The people also govern in the light of the resilience of self-organizing arrangements that the people of Nigeria/Africa have devised over the years in addressing problems of daily life, the same areas where governments have consistently faltered (Wunsch and Olowu 1995; Sawyer 2005; Gellar 2005; Akinola, 2000, 2003a, 2004, 2005d, 2007a,f, 2008b, 2009a,b, 2010a,g,i, 2011a,b,c, 2016c,e).

Since democracy is an outcome of democratisation/federalism, which is a process and at the same time a bundle with 21 elements, of which election is one of the 21 elements, how and when are we going to embrace all the 21 elements of democratisation? It is this missing link of equating election to democracy in Nigeria that has proved our democracy calamitous as elected officers are not accountable to the electorate after elections. From 1999 till 2019 (20 years), evidence in Nigeria confirmed that democratization, as the process of lively engaging the citizens in contractual relations with the public authority, has never been realized and cannot be realized through recurrent false, bloody and deadly electoral systems.

Following the dictates of this school of thought – Democratic Governance and National Development, the way forward for Nigeria depends greatly on the understanding and application of other 95% of democratisation, which will enable Nigerians in designing institutional mechanisms for checking the excessiveness of politicians. In this vein, it is strongly believed that there is the need to search and try alternative system(s) of government that will be culturally inclined, least cost, people-oriented, devoid of god-fatherism, money bag politics and violence; thus, paving the way for patriotic Nigerians to emerge in political arena.

For example, in the USA, all the other 20 elements (95%) are already built within institutional mechanisms of governance of community affairs that regulate the conducts of elected officials. We need to evaluate the impact of elections on democratization in Nigeria within the last 20 years (1999 to date) and then raise puzzles as the Americans did in the 18^th C (about 300 years ago). Hitherto, our democracy is perfectly equated to election, whereas, election is an infinitesimal and fractional part of democratisation/federalism (Akinola, 2016c).

It is on this note that this article believes that Nigerians should be prepared to try a new system of government, which will draw inspirations from their cultural heritage. For example, Nigerians can learn some lessons from Eastern (Asian) and Western (American) contexts on how these two climes drew from their cultural foundations in developing the ideas of their governments. To this effect, this article suggests African Polycentric Cultural Heritage and Development Renaissance Model (APCHDRM) for cultural reawakening of socio-economic, techno-political and environmental ingredients/foundations that are pre-requisites for African developmental infrastructure which were lost through contact with European ideology. APCHDRM reflects Africentric federalism or Africentric restructuring federalism which depends heavily on socio-economic, techno-political and environmental susuism by beckoning to a new system of government that enables Africans to cooperate on all facets of life (2019a).

Susuism is the government of the people, which principles and philosophy are derived from the peoples’ cultural heritage using cooperation and collective action to fulfil the interests, yearnings and aspirations of the people through self-organising arrangements. The new system of government will be self-governing with a well-designed multi-centred and multi-layered institutional mechanisms cum error correcting potentials. The new institutional mechanisms would enable operators of municipals, urban and rural local councils to set up self-governing structures that will avail the people the opportunity to have a robust political dialogue with public officials in order to reposition MDAs and LGs to effectively manage locally available environmental resources and deliver public services to the people. The emerging new institutional arrangement would, therefore, produce a new rural-urban governmentality that is polycentric, citizens driven and inclusive; thus, entrenching good governance, citizens-centred environmental planning and development in Nigeria.

This new system of government will embrace all the 21 elements of federalism and democratisation (Grouped under five features A-E) which are: A - Bill of Rights – Bill of rights in federalism is not private rights but public rights as contained in the constitution. Citizens can relate with one another on lawful ground. (1) Limits upon governmental authority – Government governs in a limited sense; the people also govern. (2) Assign authority vested in “people” as “persons” or “citizens.” (3) Freedom of communication, and speech – speech must count as votes count (4) Protection of property (in spite of landuse decree). (5) Associationalism that counts as vote counts in election at Self-governing Community Assembly (SGCA) for neutralising political hawkism (6) Due process of law (7) Rights exercisable in the context of interpersonal relationship – SGCA. B - Separation of Power (Check Power by Power) (8) Division of labour and separation of authority (9) Multiple agency relationships - TOPREC, NBA, NUJ, etc. constant engagement. Check power by power is impossible because all of them (executives and legislature) are the same. A neutral body like SGCA is needed to check the activities of politicians and public officials/civil servants. C - Structures of Citizen Participation in Decision Making - Linking citizens and government (10) ELECTION – Election accounts for about 5% hence, the need for attention on the other 95% of democratic process. (11) Jury trials that balances the operations of lawyers and judges on specific sensitive cases – Police pension fund case needs jury trials with inputs from men and women of integrity. Similarly, Ombudsman can be adopted in settling conflicts. (12) Taxation – legitimizes and demands accountability from leaders. (13) Associational life etc. – Associational life constitutes the fulcrum of our society hence, the need to regard it as the foundation of our democratic process. (14) Citizens are concerned with what is going on there (on ground) rather than what is said on book – contract projects. This determines the efficacy and cost effectiveness of public projects. (15) Constitutional prerogatives of individuals and governments (16) Recognize harmonization between characteristics of customs and law (17) Participatory links – citizens in government – SGCA is the link. D - Concurrent units of governments (18) Distinguishes from unitary government (19) What different levels of government can do – Food security and Employment generation at the LG level are more appropriate. E - Nongovernmental realm of society (20) Allows and recognize dynamic linkages between governmental and nongovernmental realm – CSO needs to be constitutionally involved through SGCA and not be subjected to whims and caprices of politicians as the present operation whereby they are used as rubber stamp. (21) Conditions of the citizens are more important than other things – Welfare of citizens – poverty reduction, employment, food security, and security of lives and property (V. Ostrom (1994, 2000); Tun Myint (2006); Akinola (2016c:7).

These 21 elements constitute the democratic bundle upon which citizens’ engagements should resonate. Some might say that some of these elements are located within our Constitution. That is correct but they are in our Constitution as photocopy of ideas from American Constitution; not as pragmatic experience that emanated from our own culture and debate/discussions. The require thing is that the 21 elements be encased within specific Nigerian cultural-institutional mechanisms where they can be transposed into models and strategies for deepening our democratic process as already designed in 47 African problem-solving models (see the list in the Appendix).

It grieves my heart to realise that Nigeria of about 190 million people are groping in intellectual and political darkness spending large resources on 5% democratisation that is deadly and destructive. In order to capture other 20 elements (95%), I have over the years embarked on series of intellectual activities and research that culminate in evolving a new concept and tool called Polycentric Planning. Using Polycentric Planning, I designed and published strategies and institutional mechanisms for the application of at least forty-seven (47) African development models that are pragmatic and problem-solving in several sectors of African economy. Not less than 95 proposals have been designed, within the last 25 years, using these models to addressing challenges and problems in Nigeria.

Over the years, these models with their accompanied strategies and framework of operations have been sent to Nigerian leaders (Fed/State/LG & Universities) so that they (the leaders) can have opportunity of trying these new ideas even on pilot scales to demonstrate the workability of these models and accompanied strategies in resolving the current governance and economic crisis and poverty in Nigeria. However, the responses from these leaders are highly apathetic and dampening. The question is: Why did these leaders fail to try the new ideas?

To be specific, I have sent 23 problem-solving proposals to the present administration of PMB since 29^th of May 2015. In order to resolve governance crisis and development dilemma, it is highly imperative to domesticate democracy, restructure the public sphere and political economy; adapt endogenous knowledge to real life situations in specific sector of Nigerian economy.

In spite of the potentials inherent in the proposals mentioned, two recent indicators of import dependent economy clearly confirmed Nigeria as a non-starter. For example, first, the Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development[1] believed that importers are the greatest wreckers of Nigeria’s efforts to promote patronage of locally produced products. “The international merchants such as importers of products such as toothpick, sugar, vegetables, and pencils were frustrating government’s efforts at ensuring that Nigerians bought made in Nigeria goods. Toothpick every year costs Nigeria 18 million dollars, tomato paste costs the country 400 million dollars, while tomatoes are in abundance with the cost of a basket of tomatoes less than N2,000” (Vanguard, March 26, 2019).

Second, according to the CBN, palm oil was among a mainstay of the Nigerian economy[2] before and immediate after independence in October 1960. The demise of the palm oil industry, which was an important revenue, raw materials for the food and cosmetics industry and a critical part of the overall national food production negatively affected national development. From being the world’s leading producer and exporter of palm oil, Nigeria has become an importer of the commodity for both domestic consumption and industrial use. As the largest palm oil producing nation in the 1960s, Nigeria accounted for 63% of global production and supply and it donated oil palm seedlings to Malaysia in 1960. Currently, Nigeria accounts for only 1.37% of global palm oil production and is an importer of the commodity. It produces just 2.7% out of the 2 million tonnes consumed annually, whereas Malaysia and Indonesia account for 83% of global production of the commodity. Consequently, the country now loses N180 billion annually due to importation of palm oil (Tribune, March 28, 2019).

The two problems raised by the Minister of Agriculture and Rural Development and CBN are better resolved through the adoption and application of seven (7) problem-solving models: (1) African Local Economic Development Strategy (ALEDS) (2007f:233; 2008d,f,p:190-191), (2) African Polycentric Privatization Model (APPM) (Akinola 2007f:233), (3) African Endogenous Knowledge Development Model (AKEDEM) (Akinola 2011j, 2019a,b), (4) African Polycentric Youth Mainstreaming and Empowerment Model (APYMEM) (Akinola, 2014k, 2019a,b), (5) African Retirement and Economic Empowerment Model (AREEM) (Akinola, 2013l, 2019a,b), (6) African Food Security Model (AFSM) (Akinola 2008f,p:193-195, 2011g), and (7) African Employment Generation Model (AGEM) (Akinola 2008f,p:193-195, 2009d).

These are part of the several areas that Nigerians need to debate so as to identify the missing links and then conceptualise how to fix such gaps. That is why this article believes that the type of post-elections debate that is being proposed should not be within the purview of INEC which activities resonate around elections (5% democratisation) alone. Rather, it should be a national debate that focuses on democracy, democratisation, federalism, restructuring, good governance and national development; and consequently, on a system of government that can guarantee the nation freedom, peace and prosperity.

As a matter of fact, no political party, so far, has the required requisite capability for restructuring the Nigerian state without subjecting the system to smorgasbord and regarding it as aiye-nyism. The whole ideas being peddling around by those using restructuring to campaign is gimmick as they lack the understanding of the nitty gritty of restructuring. That is why this school of thought that believes that post-elections tasks are better handled by National Interim Government of Nigeria (NIGN).

A glimpse into the proposal on National Interim Government of Nigeria (NIGN) shows an inspiring intellectual and political light at the end of the tunnel for liberating the Nigerian masses. Post-elections tasks that need to be performed to redeem the soul of Nigeria resonate around the setting up of National Interim Government of Nigeria (NIGN) for restructuring now or in 2023. Enough is enough. There should be no more of deadly elections that claim lives of Nigerians and destroy citizens’ property. NIGN will help us terminate the vicious cycle of money-bagged politics, electoral violence and deadly elections.

The onus lies on the Nigerian masses to understand the required ingredients of restructuring and then demand the necessary thing to be done by the NIGN. The proposal spells out the institutional structures of NIGN at all levels (federal, state and local), the qualifications for members of NIGN, the selection process of members of NIGN at various levels, the process of setting up NIGN and the Operations of NIGN with the task of restructuring and nation building.

More importantly, using polycentric planning and problem-solving entrepreneurship, a restructured Nigeria that will decentralise economic activities to community level government that is least cost, more productive in transforming locally available natural resources into products, stimulate local industries, generate employment, etc. will undoubtedly emerge.

Part of the tasks for us in Nigeria is to carry out problem-solving debate similar to Philadelphia convention of the Americans between now and 2023 or set up a NIGN in 2023. When the United States of America had serious problems in the 18^th C, scholars and intellectuals got involved in deliberation. For example, and relevant to the Nigeria’s context was an approach taken by the authors of The Federalist (Hamilton, Jay and Madison [1788] 1961), the participants in the Philadelphia Convention where they resolved on turning ideas to deeds – theory/knowledge to actions/realities (V. Ostrom, 2000:9) and in the Mayflower Compact, the Americans made commitment among citizens to solve their common problems together respectively (Tocqueville [1835-40] I, 1945:35; V. Ostrom 2000:12).

The intention of the proposed national debate is to enable Nigerians to collectively commence the task of re-writing the history of this country in a positive way. If all our political engagements, as a people of about 190 million, resonate around 5% of democratisation leaving behind 95.0%, can we say that we are democratizing? If we are not, then we must start by doing what the Americans did about 300 years ago when they realized that the Articles of Confederation could not fulfil their dream and aspirations, reviewed the Articles for the emergence of the Federal Constitution in the Philadelphia Convention.

Learning from American experience, Nigerian scholars and intellectuals that have solution driven ideas in several sectors of Nigerian economy will have the opportunity to come up with such ideas with practical side and measurable impact. The outcome of the debate/conference will lay the foundation for the commencement of the task of restructuring and building the nation.

Federalism, according to Americans’ conception of democracy, is the foundation upon which democratisation is built, while federalism itself has some fundamental pillars. Meaning that from federalism/foundation, we need to commence the task of democratisation as a process, carrying along federalism with all the 21 elements.

I can assure you, and you will be convinced in few years to come, that 5% democratisation is grossly inadequate for dividend of democracy to trickle down to the Nigerian masses. In order to restructure and build Nigeria, the whole bundle (100%) of democratisation is inevitable. If this line of thought is adopted, the 100% of democratisation will be achieved through the adoption and application of some of the 47 models below.

Innovative Works - Problem-Solving and Home-Grown Models

I have developed forty-seven (47) problem-solving and solution-seeking African development models that are strongly applicable to diverse policy issues in socio-economic, techno-political and environmental challenges in Nigeria. The models are listed in Appendix I and focus on: (1) Justice-Peace Achievement and Prosperity (2) Democracy Domestication (3) Corruption Annihilation (4) Constitutional Crafting (5) Youth Mainstreaming and Empowerment (6) Retirees Economic Empowerment (7) Informal/Endogenous Engagement and Nation-Building (8) Intellectual Gap Measurement (9) Public Sphere and Political Economy Restructuring (10) Development Institutional Mechanism (11) Development Planning (12) Information Networking and resolution of fake news (13) Urban Governance Model (14) Urban Environmental Governance Model (15) Food Security (16) Employment Generation (17) Sustainable Environment Model (18) Road Triology (19) Community-Initiatives and Development (20) Local Economic Development Strategy (21) Polycentric Privatization (22) Polycentric Security (23) Conflict Prevention and Peace Building (24) Electoral Reform and Democratisation (25) Forest Management (26) Human Resources Development and Utilisation (27) Education Reform (28) Niger-Delta Post-Amnesty Development (29) Women Empowerment and Mainstreaming (30) Politician Performance Assessment (31) Niger Delta Polycentric Sustainable Environment (32) Endogenous Knowledge Development (33) Public Service Delivery (34) Polycentric Public-Private Solid Waste Management (35) Polycentric Urban Greenery (36) Urban Renewal (37) Building Construction Triology (38) Public Private New Town Development (39) Technological Development (40) Climate Change Mitigation (41) Herdsmen-Farmers Conflict Resolution and Peace-building (42) Cultural Heritage and Development Renaissance (43) Structure and Operations of Self-Governing Community Assembly (44) Technological Flood Mitigation (45) Pharmaceutical Medicinal Development (46) Rwandan Post-Genocide Model of Development, and (47) Debt-Easing and Development.

These are my own thoughts and ideas for the way forward for Nigeria. We shouldn’t rush into another election in 2023 in order to prevent election related deaths of citizens. We can embark on similar adventure embarked upon by the Americans when the country had serious problems in the 18^th C. At that time, scholars and intellectuals got involved in deliberation by harvesting several ideas together in solving their common problems.

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Prof. Samson R. AKINOLA*,

Professor of Urban and Regional Planning,

(Polycentric Planner and Problem-Solving Entrepreneur)

(Development Planner, Community Developer, Environmentalist,

Policy/Institutional Analyst, Governance/Poverty Reduction Expert)

Provost, College of Science, Engineering and Technology

Osun State University, Osogbo, Osun State, Nigeria

e-mail:srakinola@yahoo.com; samson.akinola@uniosun.edu.ng

Mobile: +234-803-407-5110; +234-815-275-8280

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*Samson AKINOLA (PhD) is Professor of Urban and Regional Planning, Osun State University, Osogbo, Osun State, Nigeria and Provost, College of Science, Engineering and Technology, Osun State University, Osogbo, Osun State. He is a Polycentric Planner, Problem-Solving Entrepreneur, Community Developer, Development/Environmental Planner, Policy/Institutional Analyst and Governance Expert with vision and interests in problem-solving scholarship and solution-seeking intellectualism to alleviate poverty in Nigeria and Africa. Following the principles underlining the works of fathers of planning such as Robert Owen’s Industrial village (1799) and the Garden City concept of Ebenezer Howard (1898), he engages in multidisciplinary approach in confronting complex, complicated and hydra-headed problems that are bedevilling Nigeria and Africa. Using the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework in tandem with Knowledge Management (KM) tools and Political Economy Approach (PEA) he innovated Polycentric Planning to planning profession in Nigeria/Africa to solving socio-economic, techno-political and environmental problems. He applies the approach to community development for ordering the use of physical, human, environmental and institutional resources as well as engaging the citizens in contractual relations with the public authority on community development matters to alleviating poverty. He is concerned with knowledge generation and application to the challenges that are confronting Africa, especially how to initiate and implement comprehensive development planning that cuts across various sectors of Nigerian and African economy. He designed and published strategies and institutional mechanisms for the application of at least forty-five (45) African development models that are pragmatic and problem-solving in several sectors of African economy. He has published numerous journal articles on the socioeconomic and political development of Nigeria and Africa. With Sixty-Six (66) publications (of which Thirty-two {32} are international) and eighty-eight (88) conference papers, he believes in drawing pragmatic lessons from community institutions to reconstitute order from the bottom-up for the emergence of adaptive self-reliant arrangements in Nigeria and Africa.

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APPENDIX I

Innovative Works - Problem-Solving and Home-Grown Models:

I have developed forty-four (45) problem-solving and solution-seeking African development models that are strongly applicable to diverse policy issues in socio-economic and techno-political challenges in Nigeria. The models are listed below:

1. African Justice-Peace Achievement and Prosperity Model (AJPAPM) for entrenching justice, peace and prosperity for the citizenry and countries in Africa through a deliberate effort and a process for redressing injustice at various levels and layers of human interactions at interpersonal, intercommunity, organisational and governmental levels (Akinola, 2014j).

2. African Polycentric Democracy Domestication Model (APDDM) for domesticating democracy in Africa by adapting features of American federalism to African realities through appropriate institutional arrangements that are self-organising and self-governing within rule-ruler-ruled configuration in Africa (Akinola, 2016c:11-12).

3. African Polycentric Corruption Annihilation Model (APCAM) for stopping corruption, pillage and bribery through collective efforts/actions of Nigerian citizens such that public resources are equitably shared to meeting the needs and aspirations of the people. By adopting Yoruba vocabulary, the model engages government activities, projects, programmes and contracts at the Self-Governing Community Corruption Annihilation Assembly (SGCCAA) at three levels of tasks (Constitutional, Collective Choice and Operational) and four administrative levels (Federal, State, Local, and Ward/Community) (Akinola, 2014h).

4. African Polycentric Constitutional Crafting Model (APCCM) for crafting constitution that emanates from synergy of both the elite and non-elite through formulation of micro-constitutions by all the interest groups at the community level and thereby serves as a proxy for people-oriented political economy, which reflects economic, social and cultural rights of the citizenry (Akinola 2014g).

5. African Polycentric Youth Mainstreaming and Empowerment Model (APYMEM) for mainstreaming youth’s needs and legitimate aspirations into socio-economic and techno-political decisions, thereby empowering them and preparing them for effective and true leadership position in the nearest future (Akinola, 2014k).

6. African Retirement and Economic Empowerment Model (AREEM) is conceptualized as a process of synergizing the efforts of retirees such that their retirement benefits are pooled as seed money for investment in their locality. AREEM deviates from state-based model that is fraught with pillage, plundering and looting of pension funds with the consequence of abandonment of pensioners by government (Akinola, 2013l).

7. African Polycentric Informal/Endogenous Engagement and Nation-Building Model (APIEENBM) for making informal/endogenous sector as agent of change in socio-economic and techno-political dimensions by harnessing the potentials of the sector towards nation-building and national development (Akinola, 2015b).

8. African Intellectual Gap Measurement Model (AIGMM) for measuring intellectual potentials and relevance of African universities/polytechnics as well as intellectual gap(s) among African scholars with the aim of reforming African educational curriculum and making African scholarship problem-solving and solution seeking (Akinola 2008m, 2010f);

9. African Public Sphere Restructuring Model (APSRM) for restructuring the public sphere in order to resolve political crisis in Africa, and then linking this to how people can work together, from community level, to address diverse challenges (Akinola 2009b, 2010a:73-78, 2011a:40-47).

10. African Development Institutional Mechanism (ADIM) for connecting all the stakeholders in development at various levels of decision making (Akinola 2007f:230-233, 2008p:188);

11. African Polycentric Development Planning Model (APDPM) for operationalising African Development Brain-Box (ADBB), in generating, adapting and disseminating innovative ideas through experimental stations on pilot scales to community-end-users (Akinola 2008p:186-187, 2010i:47-58).

12. African Polycentric Information Networking (APIN) for creating networks between the leaders and the people for effective information sharing and communication (Akinola 2008p:188-189, 2009b:94-95);

13. African Polycentric Urban Governance Model (APUGM) for mainstreaming urban citizens-centred institutions in decision making, thus entrenching good urban governance, citizens-centred planning and development in Africa (Akinola 2011k);

14. African Polycentric Urban Environmental Governance Model (APUEGM) capable of mainstreaming citizens-centred institutions in urban areas into socio-economic and political decision making so that citizens (including the urban poor) can participate effectively in decisions on redevelopment, thus entrenching good urban governance, citizens-centred environmental planning and development in Africa (Akinola 2014p);

15. African Food Security Model (AFSM) for securing food for the citizens (Akinola 2008f,p:193-195, 2011g);

16. African Employment Generation Model (AGEM) for generating employment opportunities (Akinola 2008f,p:193-195, 2009d);

17. African Sustainable Environment Model (ASEM) for conserving and protecting environmental resources (Akinola 2008q);

18. African Road Triology (ART) for building cost effective and durable roads (Akinola 1998, 2009b);

19. African Community-Initiatives and Development Model (ACID) for empowering the people economically and reducing poverty (Akinola 2000:186-187);

20. African Local Economic Development Strategy (ALEDS) for enhancing economic growth through local industrialization and sustaining development (2007f:233; 2008d,f,p:190-191);

21. African Polycentric Privatization Model (APPM) for distributing the benefits of economic growth among the citizenry equitably (Akinola 2007f:233);

22. African Polycentric Security Model (APSM) for ensuring security of lives and property (Akinola 2009a);

23. African Conflict Prevention and Peace Building (ACPPB) for detecting and preventing conflict as well as building peace (Akinola 2008p:189, 2009b:96);

24. African Electoral Reform and Democratisation (AERD) for inclusive democratisation and neutralising political hawkism (Akinola 2008p:192-193, 2009b:98);

25. African Polycentric Forest Management Model (APFMM) for preserving and sustaining forest resources (Akinola 2007i);

26. African Human Resources Development and Utilisation Model (AHRDUM) for bridging the gaps between developers and utilisers of human resources in Africa (Akinola 2011c);

27. African Education Reform Model (AERM) for reforming higher education system and making it organic, problem-solving and solution-seeking (Akinola 2010f);

28. Niger-Delta Post-Amnesty Development Model (NDPADM) for building peace and engineering people-centred development in the Niger Delta (Akinola 2011e);

29. Niger Delta Women Empowerment and Mainstreaming Model (NDWEMM) for according women their rightful position, empowering, integrating and mainstreaming them into formal decision making, where they can demonstrate their full potentials towards developmental activities and governance of community affairs (Akinola 2010d);

30. African Politician Performance Assessment Model (APPAM) for assessing the performance of African politicians at the constituency level. The relevance of politicians to their community through Politician Score Card (PSC) helps politicians to make adjustment in their conducts by ensuring effective utilization of local resources towards entrepreneurial development, techno-economic opportunities and citizens’ empowerment (Akinola 2010f,i);

31. Niger Delta Polycentric Sustainable Environment Model (NDPSEM) for reducing vulnerability occasioned by climate change in time of disaster in the Niger Delta (Akinola 2011h);

32. African Endogenous Knowledge Development Model (AKEDEM) designed for generating self-reliant development in Africa (Akinola 2011j, 2019a);

33. Niger Delta Polycentric Public Service Delivery Model (NDPPSDM) designed for connecting the public authority with people-oriented institutions at evolving public sector reforms that will complete six essential stages of project development – survey, analysis, construction, monitoring, evaluation and maintenance (Akinola 2011i);

34. African Polycentric Public-Private Solid Waste Management Model (APPPSWM) for engaging the private sector in solid waste management to turning waste to wealth, provide jobs for citizens and make available comparatively cheaper and better (organic) fertilizer that is environmentally friendly; thus achieving a healthy and aesthetic environment (Akinola 2011l, 2015 WABER);

35. African Polycentric Urban Greenery Model (APUGryM) is designed to improve synergy between scholars, public officials and citizens in urban greenery with the purpose of increasing urban green cover so as to: (1) allows percolation of rain water and regulate the flow of storm water instead of rushing down the streets and makes drainage to overflow and causes flooding, and (2) reduce erosion, debris and silts that cause siltation and sedimentation of Atlantic Ocean and Lagoon that are noted for rising sea level and coastal flooding (Akinola 2012n:91-94);

36. African Polycentric Urban Renewal Model (APURM) is designed for synergising the efforts of three major groups - governments, financial organisations and community institutions in addressing the problem of urban decadence and slums in Africa (Akinola, et. al, 2013b:13-15);

37. Nigerian Building Construction Triology Model (NBCTM) establishes that building construction should be placed on tripod stand of survey, construction and monitoring/maintenance (SCM). The triology of building construction – survey, construction and monitoring/maintenance (SCM) – pre-conditions durable and sustainable buildings as it serves as efficacy of providing resilience and mitigation to climate change (Akinola, et. al, 2014t);

38. African Polycentric Public Private New Town Development Model (APPPNTDM) has its roots in existing cities where problems of urbanization have chocked good things of life out of existence. APPPNTDM conceptualizes new town as an organic community where knowledge management tools are used to generate endogenous economy capable of harnessing endogenous knowledge towards the utilisation of environmental resources in addressing the needs, aspirations and yearnings of citizens through inward-looking, priority on full use of local resources, encouragement of microbusinesses and co-operatives, collective ownership of the means of production, incorporation of excluded populations, generation of dignified local employment, etc. The model provides the platform for actualizing democratization which is the colossal restructuring of the mentality (Akinola, 2015e).

39. African Polycentric Technological Development Model (APTDM) designed for generating technologically inclined smart community and self-reliant development by adopting eco-green framework for appropriate technology in Africa (Akinola, 2017a). It derives inspirations from AERM, AIGMM and AKEDEM (Akinola 2010f, 2011j). It is conceptualised as home-grown technology or appropriate technology; a practise of co-creation involving social and material aspects, social and natural sciences, and societal and technological developments (Akinola, 2018b).

40. African Polycentric Climate Change Mitigation Model (APCCMM) is designed for mitigating the impact of climate change by emphasising good governance and accountability of leadership in Africa in relation to the enforcement of climate mitigation standards within economic society (business mogul) who are financiers of elections (Akinola, 2018c).

41. African Polycentric Herdsmen-Farmers Conflict Resolution and Peace-building Model (APHFCRPM) for detecting, preventing, resolving conflicts and building peace for harmonious relations, co-habitation and shared community of understanding among herdsmen and farmers in Nigeria and Africa (Akinola, 2018d).

42. An African Polycentric Cultural Heritage and Development Renaissance Model (APCHDRM) is designed for cultural reawakening of socio-economic, techno-political and environmental ingredients/foundations that are pre-requisites for African developmental infrastructure which was lost through contact with European ideology. APCHDRM reflects Africentric federalism or Africentric restructuring federalism which depends heavily on socio-economic, techno-political and environmental susuism by beckoning on to a new system of government that enables Africans to cooperate on all facets of life (Akinola, 2018e).

43. Structure and Operations of Self-Governing Community Assembly (SGCA) - Self-Governing Community Assembly (SGCA) Model is designed for correcting the anomalies that are associated with state bureaucratic structure of administration and political system due to the deficiency of the public sector based on arid reasoning of tragedy of the commons and the overbearing private sector in attempts to survive through excessive profits. The design of the working mechanisms of SGCA will regard African realities as imperative and also consider rule crafting system because the participants in SGCA would operate using rules that are crafted by members at the SGCA. The outcome of the restructuring is emergence of new institutional arrangements and problem-solving federalism, which would reflect integrative constitutional order in socio-economic and techno-political realms (Akinola, 2018f).

44. African Polycentric-Technological Flood Mitigation Model (APTFMM) designed for harvesting and storage of rainwater thus preventing runoff from flowing into rivers and mitigating flooding. The inspiration on water storage system from innovation designed by researchers and extension services in Tharaka district of Kenya, an area classified as arid and semiarid lands is highly instructive for other areas in Africa for the purposes of flood mitigation and irrigation (Akinola 2018g).

45. African Polycentric Pharmaceutical and Medicinal Development Model (APPMDM) designed for utilising locally available natural herbs, green vegetation for curative and healthy living of the citizenry. The model distinguishes science of mixing herbs from spirituality of herbs. The science of mixing herbs among the Yoruba of Southwest of Nigeria has produced Agbo as against ‘concoction’, a derogatory view of the Western culture on Africa. This model does not regard the spirituality of herbalism as part of the consideration in building African Polycentric Pharmaceutical and Medicinal Development Model (APPMDM). The model is designed for widening economic opportunities for grassroots in herbs cultivation, planting and harvesting for job creation and local economic empowerment. Skilled artisans in the production of agbo are co-opted into the endogenous industrial development on Pharmaceutical and Medicinal development (Akinola, 2019c).

46. Rwandan Post-Genocide Model of Development (RPGMD) for shedding blood of citizens, reduced population via centrifugal force of refugees and genocide that reduced the population of the country from 7.1 million in 1990 to 5.5 million people in 1995[3]. RPGMD cautions other African countries to be prepared for the worst if they fail to look-inward and adopt Africentric models and strategies geared towards economic renaissance (Akinola, 2019d).

47. African Polycentric Debt-Easing and Development Model (APDEDM) designs for enabling the citizens to be aware of the rationale for loan, the momentary pain of bearing the burden of loan and collective approval. APDEDM also provides awareness of various alternative endogenous frameworks for tapping the potentials in utilising local resources for job creation and products consumption locally (Akinola, 2019e).

REFERENCES

Akinola, S. R. (2000). “Balancing the Equation of Governance at the Grassroots.” In People-Centred Democracy in Nigeria? The Search for Alternative Systems of Governance at the Grassroots, (eds) Adebayo Adedeji and Bamildele Ayo (Ibadan: Heinemann), pp. 171–197.

Akinola, S. R. (2003a). Resolving the Niger-Delta Crises through Polycentric Governance in Nigeria. Paper presented at a Colloquium organized by the Workshop in Political Theory and Policy Analysis, 1 December, in Indiana University, Bloomington, USA.

Akinola, S.R. (2004). ‘Local Self-Governance as an Alternative to Predatory Local Governments in Nigeria.’ International Journal of Studies in Humanities, Enugu, Nigeria, Vol.1, No. 3, pp. 47–60.

Akinola, S. R. (2005d). “Structural Transformation and Polycentric Governance: Complementary Strategy towards Nigeria’s Reform Agenda”. Proceedings of the 14th General Assembly of Social Science Academy of Nigeria, pp. 238-250.

Akinola, S. R. (2007a). “Coping with Infrastructural Deprivation through Collective Action among Rural People in Nigeria.” Nordic Journal of African Studies. Vol. 16(1) 2007, pp. 30-46. (Online – http://www.njas.helsinki.fi).

Akinola, S. R. (2007f). “Knowledge Generation, Political Actions and African Development: A Polycentric Approach.” International Journal of African Renaissance Studies. Multi-, Inter and Transdisciplinarity, Vol. 2, No. 2, pp. 217-238.

Akinola, S. R. (2008b). “Coping With Social Deprivation through Self-Governing Institutions in Oil Communities of Nigeria.” Africa Today. Volume 55, Number 1 (October 2008), Africa Program, Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana State, USA, pp. 89-108.

Akinola, S. R. (2008p). “Alternative Planning Models for Development in Africa.” In Knowledge to Remobilise Africa. ed. The Development Bank of South Africa, Johannesburg: Knowledge Management Division, pp. 169–202.

Akinola, S. R. (2009a). “The Failure of Central Policing and the Resilience of Community-Based Security Institutions in Nigeria.” In Adekunle Amuwo, Hippolyt A.S. Pul and Irene Omolola Adadevoh, Civil Society, Governance and Regional Integration in Africa. Development Policy Management Forum (DPMF), Nairobi, Kenya, pp. 257-274.

Akinola, S. R. (2009b). “Polycentric Planning and Community Self-Governance as Panacea to the Niger Delta Crisis.” African Journal of Development (AJD). New York University, USA, Vol. 11, No. 2, pp. 79-104.

Akinola, S. R. (2010a). “Restructuring the Public Sphere for Social Order in the Niger Delta through Polycentric Planning: What Lessons For Africa?” Journal of African Asian Studies, Vol. 9, Nos. 1-2. Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA, pp. 55-82.

Akinola, S. R. (2010g). “The Roles of Civil Society in Elections and Democratisation in Africa: A Polycentric Planning Perspective.” Zimbabwe Political Science Review (ZPSR), Midlands State University, Zimbabwe. Vol. 1, No. 1, September 2010, pp. 6-31 (www.ssrct.org).

Akinola, S. R. (2010i). “Institutional Crisis, Resources Governance and Economic Prosperity in Africa: Crossing the Great Divide through Polycentric Development Planning”, Social Science Research Consultancy Trust, Midlands State University, Zimbabwe. Monograph Series, Volume 1, Number 2, December 2010, 87p.

Akinola, S. R. (2011a). “Restructuring the Public Sphere for Democratic Governance and Development in Africa: The Polycentric Planning Approach.” In Abdalla Bujra (ed.). Political Culture, Governance and the State in Africa, Development Policy Management Forum (DPMF), Nairobi, Kenya, pp. 1-61.

Akinola, S. R. (2011c). “Overcoming Tyranny and Underdevelopment in the Niger Delta Through Appropriate Human Resources Development and Utilization.” (Chapter 3). In Okechukwu Ukaga, Ukoha Ukiwo & Ibaba S. Ibaba (eds.). Natural Resources, Conflict and Sustainable Development: Lessons from the Niger Delta (Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, New York, USA), pp. 59-86.

Akinola, S. R. (2013l). “Innovative and Practical Investment Strategies for Retirees in Osun State: A Polycentric Planning Approach.” A paper Prepared for Presentation at a Workshop Organised for Principals of Secondary Schools in Osun State.

Akinola, S. R., M. B. Gasu, D. S. Ogundahunsi & T. I. Ojo (2014a). “Human Rights, Food and Employment Crises in Africa: Defusing the ‘Time-Bomb’ through Polycentric Planning and Poverty Reduction Strategy.” International Journal of Advanced Studies in Economic and Public Sector Management, Coventry University, Coventry, UK, Vol. 2, No. 1, January 2014, pp. 209-229.

Akinola, S. R. (2014d). “The Military, Security Challenges and Development Dilemma in Nigeria: A Polycentric Planning and Poverty Reduction Perspective.” Paper Submitted to the Nigerian Defence Academy Golden Jubilee Book Project, “The Nigerian Defence and Security, March, 2014.

Akinola, S. R. (2014e). “Food Security and Employment Generation in The State of Osun: A Polycentric Planning and Knowledge Management Strategy.” Proposal Submitted to His Excellency, Ogbeni Rauf Adesoji Aregbesola, Governor of The State of Osun, Osogbo, Osun State, Nigeria, April 1, 2014.

Akinola, S. R. (2014g). “Democratising Constitutional Making Process for Development in Africa: The Imperative of Polycentric Planning and Restructuring Mechanism.” Paper Completed, April 2014.

Akinola, S. R. (2014h). “Democratising Constitutional Making Process for Development in Africa: The Imperative of Polycentric Planning and Restructuring Mechanism.” Paper Completed, April 2014.

Akinola, S. R. (2014j). African Justice-Peace Achievement and Prosperity Model (AJPAPM) for entrenching justice, peace and prosperity for the citizenry and countries in Africa through a deliberate effort and a process for redressing injustice at various levels and layers of human interactions at interpersonal, intercommunity, organisational and governmental levels (Akinola, 2014j).

Akinola, S. R. and Adesopo, A. (2014v). ‘Human Rights and Human Development Nexus in Africa: A Polycentric Planning and Poverty Reduction Perspective.’ Advance Topics in Social Science and Humanity Research. International Institute for Science, Technology and Education (IISTE), Chester House, George St., Oxford, United Kingdom and 50 Salem Street, Lynnfield, MA, USA, pp. 3-37.

Akinola, S. R. (2015a). “Dysfunctional Political Economy, Restructuring Public Sphere and Social Transformation in Africa: Polycentric Planning and New Policies to Combat Poverty in Comparative Perspective.” Paper Accepted for Publication by Comparative Research Programme on Poverty (CROP), Bergen, NORWAY.

Akinola, S. R. (2015b). ‘The Role of Informal/Endogenous Sector in Nation-Building: A Polycentric Planning Perspective.’ Paper prepared for Presentation as a Guest Speaker at the 2015 Biennial Dinner of the Nigerian Institute of Town Planners (NITP), Ogun State Chapter to Honour the Newly Elected National President of the NITP, Tpl. (Dr.) Amos Olufemi Olomola, FNITP on Tuesday, 3^rd February 2015 at the the Main Hall of KIDOT ’O’ Event Center, No. 10, Quarry Road, Near Agbeloba, Abeokuta, Ogun State.

Akinola, S. R. (2016c). “Domesticating Democracy for Development Using Community Initiatives in Africa: A Polycentric Planning Perspective.” Maurice N. Amutabi and Linnet Hamasi (eds.): Africa and Competing Discourse on Development: Gender, Agency, Space and Representation. The Catholic University of East Africa (CUEA), Nairobi, Kenya, pp. 3-15.

Akinola, S. R. (2016d). “Knowledge Management Economy for Solution Seeking Entrepreneurship in Kenya: A Polycentric Planning Strategy.” Maurice N. Amutabi and Linnet Hamasi (eds.). Rethinking Development Paradigms in Africa: International Perspectives.” African Interdisciplinary Studies Association (AISA), Nairobi, Kenya, pp. 436-451.

Akinola, S. R. (2016e). “Urbanısatıon, Collectıve Actıon and Copıng Strategıes in Informal Areas of Afrıcan Cıtıes: A Polycentrıc Envıronmental Plannıng Perspectıve.” Chapter 1. İn Sahar Attia, Shahdan Shabka, Zeinab Shafik, Asmaa Abdel Aty (eds.) Dynamics and Resilience of Informal Areas: International Perspectives. Springer International Publishing, Switzerland, pp. 5-24).

Akinola, S. R. (2017b). “Economic Recession, Food Inflation and Development Dilemma In Nigeria: Surgical Operation Through Polycentric Planning.” Africa’s Ombudsman Paper No. 1 (Abridge Version). (For Planning/Nigerian/African Students & African Youth @ OAU, Ile-Ife, April, 2017). Paper presented at the Maiden Conference of Urban and Regional Planning Students’ Association of Nigeria (URPSAN) held at Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Osun State, Nigeria on 15^th April, 2017.

Akinola, S. R. (2018a). “Resolution of Africa’s Economic Crisis, Inequalities and Conflicts through Polycentric Planning: Lessons for the Global World.” Proposal sent to Mr. António Guterres, UN Secretary-General, UN Headquarters, 405 East 42^nd Street, New York, NY, 10017, 5^th January 2018.

Akinola, S. R. (2018c). “Restructuring for Resolution of Herdsmen-Farmers Conflicts and Peacebuilding in Nigeria through Polycentric Planning.” Paper presented at the 49^th Annual Conference and GM of NITP scheduled to be held between Monday, 19^th and Friday, 23^rd November 2018 at Hotel 17, No. 6 Tafawa Balewa Way/Lafiya Road, Kaduna, Nigeria but held at Obasanjo Space Centre, Abuja due to Kaduna crisis, pp. 153-185.

Akinola, S. R. (2019a). “Knowledge Management for Food Security, Industrialisation and Employment Generation in Nigeria: A Polycentric Planning Strategy.” Paper resented at The Science, Technology and Innovation Expo’ 2019 organised by The Federal Ministry of Science and Technology, at the Okpara Square, Enugu, Enugu State, Nigeria between Monday, 14^th and Friday, 18^th January 2019.

Akinola, S. R. (2019b). “Urbanisation, Citizenship and Human Solidarity Nexus in African Cities: A Polycentric Environmental Planning Perspective.” Guest Lecture Presented at HABITAT 2019 Organised by Osun State Broadcasting Corporation (OSBC), Oke-Bale, Osogbo, Monday, March 25, 2019.

Akinola, S. R. (2019c). African Polycentric Pharmaceutical and Medicinal Development Model (APPMDM) designed for utilising locally available natural herbs, green vegetation for curative and healthy living of the citizenry. The model distinguishes science of mixing herbs from spirituality of herbs. The science of mixing herbs among the Yoruba of Southwest of Nigeria has produced Agbo as against ‘concoction’, a derogatory view of the Western culture on Africa. This model does not regard the spirituality of herbalism as part of the consideration in building African Polycentric Pharmaceutical and Medicinal Development Model (APPMDM). The model is designed for widening economic opportunities for grassroots in herbs cultivation, planting and harvesting for job creation. Skilled artisans in the production of agbo be co-opted into the endogenous industrial development on Pharmaceutical and Medicinal development (Akinola, 2019c).

Akinola, S. R. (2019d). Rwandan Post-Genocide Model of Development (RPGMD) for shedding blood of citizens, reduced population via centrifugal force of refugees and genocide that reduced the population of the country from 7.1 million in 1990 to 5.5 million people in 1995[4]. RPGMD cautions other African countries to be prepared for the worst if they fail to look-inward and adopt Africentric models and strategies geared towards economic renaissance (Akinola, 2019d).

Akinola, S. R. (2019e). African Polycentric Debt-Easing and Development Model (APDEDM) designs for enabling the citizens to be aware of the rationale for loan, the momentary pain of bearing the burden of loan and collective approval. APDEDM also provides awareness of various alternative endogenous frameworks for tapping the potentials in utilising local resources for job creation and products consumption locally (Akinola, 2019e).

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Bayo Ogunmupe

Sunday, 28 April 2019

POST-ELECTIONS TASKS: RESOLUTION OF NIGERIAN PROBLEMS THROUGH PROBLEM-SOLVING STRATEGIES

You never change things by fighting the existing reality. To change something, build a new model that makes the existing model obsolete. – Richard Buckminster Fuller.

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Bayo Ogunmupe