Nigeria on the precipice

                            By Bayo Ogunmupe

    This is a valuable book on issues, options and solutions to the Nigerian political crisis. Nigeria on the precipice contains lessons for emerging multiethnic and democratic societies. Written by Michael Owhoko, the book tells the story of how the British created Nigeria in 1914 without regard to the cultural differences and the incompatibility of the northern and southern protectorates of Nigeria. This was why Nigeria has been wracked by problems ever since. According to Owhoko, two groups are laying claims to the control and domination of Nigeria.This culminated in a military coup on 15 January 1966.

    That was followed by a counter coup led by the second group six months later. The Nigerian civil war fought between 1967 and 1970 was part of the violence that has crippled the nation. With the persistent call for a change from unitary system to true federalism, it is certain that Nigerians are not satisfied with the current system of government. Nigeria on the precipice is a small book. Published this year by iUniverse, Bloomington, Indiana, United States; it has seven chapters, an introduction, a conclusion and Endnotes swelled the book into 104 pages.

    The first two chapters deal with the historical development of nigeria and her contractual federal system of government. So far our leaders have not responded to the seething discontent pervading the country. The author advises that they should hold a referendum to decide which system of government to adopt. 

  However, I disagree with the author that Britain was mischievous in amalgamating Nigeria's two protectorates in 1914, knowing that it would not work due to the heterogenous nature of the country.

    Nigeria is failing due to the unwarranted ambitions of the Fulani and the Igbo to control and dominate Nigeria. Which was why unitary government was foisted on Nigeria by General Johnson Aguiyi Ironsi. The consequence has been the alienation of the natural resources from their owners. Now that it is apparent that neither the Fulani nor the Igbo has the capacity to dominate Nigeria we should restructure to true federalism and the restoration of the revenue allocation system of the First Republic.

    Without doubt, the federal system of government has been accepted as a viable system of social contract in Nigeria. It is also known that every federation varies slightly in structure and operation based on history and peculiar needs. For a federation to be viable, the federating units must be autonomous. Neither the state nor the centre is inferior to the other, but autonomous and interdependent. The federal system practised in Nigeria during the first republic fitted perfectly into our diverse ethnic and cultural composition.

    The regions were autonomous, with both the regions and the centre deriving their powers from the Constitution. The powers, duties and responsibilities of each tier were clearly spelt out under the exclusive, concurrent and residual lists in the Basic Law. Were it not for the 1966 coup which altered the system, Nigeria would have been transformed and grown into an enviable power in the comity of nations. Another feature of federalism of the first republic was the composition of the regions.

    It was based on linguistic grouping. That provided a huge advantage due to the assemblage of people with similar attitudes, social values and political beliefs. This makes it easier for them to live together under an inclusive government. The federating units also had constitutions, regional police and coats of arms. They also practised the fiscal federalism which was acceptable to both tiers without any observable agitation.

    Then, fiscal federalism was as follows: There were revenues collected and retained by the centre. There were those collected by the centre but credited to the regions, according to derivation or consumption. Also there were revenues collected by the centre but allocated to a distributable pool account and shared between the regions in the percentages of 42 to the north, 30 to the East, 20 to the West and eight to the Midwest. There were revenues collected and retained by the regions.

    Of particular interest was revenue distributed to the regions on the basis of derivation, which was 50 percent of proceeds generated from rents and royalties of mineral resources. Regions where these resources were found  were paid and enjoyed 50 percent. The remaining 50 percent was retained by the centre for national development. Until Providence raised oil and gas from the Niger Delta, the minorities of the Niger Delta earned zero income from derivation.

    But instead of continuing with 50 percent derivation, it was abandoned. However, pressure from the Niger Delta forced President Shehu Shagari to increase derivation to 1.5 percent. This was raised to three percent by President Ibrahim Babangida. However, the 1999 Constitution  gave 13 percent. Reversion to 50 percent was refused till today. Lack of sincerity and courage to revert to the old order is part of the problems  of Nigeria. There is obvious conspiracy of silence from the big tribes to deprive the  Niger  Delta people from enjoying 50 percent derivation proceeds from oil and gas: resources that were deposited in their land by God.

    The violent overthrow of the government of Tafawa Balewa in 1966, brought in the unitary system of government. Through Decree 34 of 1966, the new leader, General Aguiyi Ironsi replaced federalism with the unitary system of government. The pattern of killings in the coup justifiably called into question the sincerity of the plotters. In executing his new system, Ironsi provoked fears of Igbo domination of Nigeria. These fears first led to the pogrom against the Igbo in northern Nigeria. 

    Fears of Igbo domination were reinforced by the Igbo domination of the economy,bureaucracy and commerce. Ironsi never initiated any policy to allay the fears of the other ethnic groups. In reaction to the loss of power, a counter coup was hatched by which  Ironsi and Colonel Adekunle Fajuyi were killed and Colonel Yakubu Gowon was thrust into power. These coups abrogated derivation and introduced ethnic consciousness into the country.

    So far, we have related the origin and reasons for agitation for reconstruction in Nigeria. If Gowon had reverted to federalism  and 50 percent derivation, our story as a nation would have been different. But the legacy of injustice from Ironsi, Gowon and their successors fuelled instability in Nigeria. Apparently, the current system isn't working and cannot deliver on the aspirations of Nigerians. Therefore what are the rescue measures needed for Nigeria's renewal?

    For Owhoko, conducting a referendum is the solution. Through a referendum the book avow, the people can decide which system of government to adopt. Thus, the way out of the imbroglio is that a referendum be activated to resolve Nigeria's contending political logjam. Indecision by the government is pushing Nigeria beyond the cliff where it currently stands. With a referendum, the government would not only make headway on overcoming the problems,it will also regain the trust of the people.

    The author, Michael Owhoko is a media and public relations practitioner. He had mostly worked in the banking, oil and gas and media industries. He earned degrees in political science, mass communication and is the publisher of Media Issues, an online newspaper. He is also the author of The Language of Oil and Gas and Career Frustration in the Workplace. Nigeria on the precipice is essential reading for journalists, legislators, politicians and anyone seeking to rescue Nigeria as the much desired messiah.