Tpl. (Prof.) Samson R. AKINOLA, Professor of Urban and Regional Planning, (Polycentric Planner and Problem-Solving Entrepreneur) (Development Planner, Community Developer, Environmentalist, Policy/Institutional Analyst, Governance/Poverty Reduction Expert) Provost, College of Science, Engineering and Technology Osun State University, Osogbo, Osun State, Nigeria e-mail:srakinola@yahoo.com; samson.akinola@uniosun.edu.ng srakinola@hotmail.com Mobile: +234-803-407-5110; +234-815-275-8280

RESTRUCTURING THE NIGERIA STATE FOR ECONOMIC INCLUSIVENESS AND DEMOCRATIC PEACE THROUGH POLYCENTRIC PLANNING STRATEGY

Professor Samson Akinola 

ABSTRACT

This paper adopted multidisciplinary engagement by using Robert Owen’s Principles of Industrialisation (ROPI) in tandem with the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework, Knowledge Management (KM) tools and Political Economy Approach (PEA) to public policy analysis to analyze the missing links between Nigerian governance structure and welfare of the citizens on the one hand and between knowledge generated by Nigerian scholars and Nigerian economic realities on the other hand. The missing links/gaps confirmed that the Nigerian system lacks the mechanisms and inspirations to rally the majority (70%) of the population in the informal/endogenous sector around development process and knowledge utilisation for development.

The paper found that governance crisis and development dilemma in Nigeria are a product of structurally-defective pattern of governance reinforced by the problem of disconnect among the key actors in Nigerian economy - public officials, politicians, bureaucrats and technocrats, scholars, NITP/TOPREC, expatriates, private sector/industrialists and peasant farmers. Consequently, Nigerians did not understand the way forward for the country and appropriate strategy for restructuring the nation. As a result, erroneous notions on restructuring pervade public arena. While some are agitating for recession, others are demanding for regionalism and true federalism.

Findings from cutting-edge research, over the years, confirmed that the reliance on colonial ideas have created the present problem of marginalisation, minority exclusion, disconnect, poverty, corruption, unemployment, insecurity, food crisis, infrastructural deficits, underdevelopment, housing deficits, bad roads, etc. The paper argues that, in some ways, the weakness of centralized and structurally-defective governance in Nigeria provides an opportunity for self-governing community institutions to play the role that governments and their agencies have abandon. The local people through self-organizing arrangements, shared strategies and problem-solving interdependencies are more effective in responding to community needs and aspirations than governments and their agencies.

The point of departure of this paper, therefore, is in problem solving and solution seeking. It transcends theoretical formulations, empirical analysis, knowledge generation and policy formulation syndrome to problem solving arena where pragmatism and practical application of new ideas are imperative to deal with the challenges of modern day Nigeria. This paper argues that since the present crises are a product of reliance on colonial ideas, we should begin to conceptualise Africentric strategies of problem-solving by evolving home-grown models and strategies. The paper, therefore, used polycentric planning in designing restructuring mechanism to institutionalize community initiatives for the setting up of Self-Governing Community Assembly (SGCA) for the application of African Polycentric Democracy Domestication Model (APDDM) for domesticating democracy in Nigeria.

The APDDM encapsulates sixteen (16) African problem-solving models for: (1) synergising the efforts of the Nigerian state and that of the people through polycentric planning and error correcting potentials; (2) restructuring economic space through Economic ‘Susuism’ for generating self-reliant development through inward-looking, priority for full use of local resources, a system of collective ownership of the means of production and incorporation of excluded populations; (3) for securing food for the citizens, generating employment opportunities and distributing the benefits of economic growth among the citizenry; (4) for building peace and engineering people-centred development in the Niger Delta; (5) for detecting, preventing, resolving conflicts and building peace for harmonious relations, co-habitation and shared community of understanding among herdsmen and farmers; (6) for stopping corruption, pillage and bribery through collective efforts/actions of Nigerian citizens such that public resources are equitably shared to meeting the needs and aspirations of the people; etc.

RESTRUCTURING THE NIGERIA STATE FOR ECONOMIC INCLUSIVENESS, DEMOCRATIC PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT THROUGH POLYCENTRIC PLANNING STRATEGY

Tpl. (Prof.) Samson R. AKINOLA,

Professor of Urban and Regional Planning,

(Polycentric Planner and Problem-Solving Entrepreneur)

(Development Planner, Community Developer, Environmentalist,

Policy/Institutional Analyst, Governance/Poverty Reduction Expert)

Provost, College of Science, Engineering and Technology

Osun State University, Osogbo, Osun State, Nigeria

e-mail:srakinola@yahoo.com; samson.akinola@uniosun.edu.ng

srakinola@hotmail.com

Mobile: +234-803-407-5110; +234-815-275-8280

1.0 INTRODUCTION

Unity, Faith, Peace and Progress (Nigeria Motto)

This article is a problem-solving and solution-seeking paper. It transcends theoretical formulations, empirical analysis, knowledge generation and policy formulation syndrome to problem solving arena where pragmatism and practical application of new ideas are imperative to deal with the challenges of modern day Nigeria. It briefly presents the problematics and goes straight to strategies on how to resolve Nigerians governance challenges and development dilemma focusing on how to narrow down inequalities, entrench economic inclusiveness and democratic peace.

Appalling performance of Nigerian governments creates gaps that are usually filled by private initiatives in education, water, electricity, waste management, security, etc. where the costs of transactions are very high and participants become transitional and marginal poor. Why should there be human trafficking if citizens are economically included in the commonwealth and empowered? Democratic tyranny breeds hooliganism, violence and robbery as found in the Niger Delta and the recent Offa robbery case. The question is how do we restructure to enhance citizens’ welfare?

This paper adopts multidisciplinary engagement (as methodology) by using Robert Owen’s Principles of Industrialisation (ROPI) in tandem with the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework, Knowledge Management (KM) tools and Political Economy Approach (PEA) to public policy analysis to analyze the missing links between Nigerian governance structure and welfare of the citizens on the one hand and between knowledge generated by Nigerian scholars and Nigerian economic realities on the other hand. The missing links/gaps confirmed that the Nigerian system lacks the mechanisms and inspirations to rally the majority (70%) of the population in the informal/endogenous sector around development process and knowledge utilisation for development. The consequent governance crisis and development dilemma make it difficult for Nigerians to understand the way forward for the country and appropriate strategy for restructuring the nation.

As a result, erroneous notions on restructuring pervade public arena. While some are agitating for recession, others are demanding for regionalism and true federalism. This paper corrects erroneous notions on restructuring and federalism that propagate colonial paradigm of governance and development. While restructuring is analysed as the process of crafting inclusive public sphere and political economy for effective socio-economic and political engagements of citizens, Africentric federalism or Africentric restructuring federalism is designed to solve specific challenges and problems under agreed terms among interested groups (Akinola, 2010a, 2011a, 2015a,b, 2016c).

Findings from cutting-edge research, over the years, confirmed that the reliance on colonial ideas have created the present problem of marginalisation, minority exclusion, disconnect, poverty, corruption, unemployment, insecurity, food crisis, infrastructural deficits, underdevelopment, housing deficits, bad roads, etc. The paper argues that, in some ways, the weakness of centralized and structurally-defective governance in Nigeria provides an opportunity for self-governing community institutions to play the role that governments and their agencies have abandon. The local people through self-organizing arrangements, shared strategies and problem-solving interdependencies are more effective in responding to community needs and aspirations than governments and their agencies.

The point of departure of this paper, therefore, is in problem solving and solution seeking. It transcends theoretical formulations, empirical analysis, knowledge generation and policy formulation syndrome to problem solving arena where pragmatism and practical application of new ideas are imperative to deal with the challenges of the modern day. This paper argues that since the present crises are a product of reliance on colonial ideas, we should begin to conceptualise Africentric strategies of problem-solving by evolving home-grown models and strategies.

The paper cautions that Nigeria should not copy the Western models but evolve home-grown models from reflections and lessons from abroad. By using polycentric planning, this paper mirrors some lessons from the experience of the United States of America when the country had serious problems in the 18^th C. It is on this basis that the paper designs Africentric strategies of restructuring and federalism that focus on Nigerian realities – specific challenges that relate to knowledge application, utilisation of local resources, provision of jobs, food security, low cost housing, durable roads, etc. Africentric restructuring federalism is a problem-solving entrepreneurship that engages in retrospection into Nigerian socio-economic and cultural configurations of economic ‘susuism’ that is capable of bailing the country out of the present economic crisis.

Polycentric planning emphasises citizens’ involvement in governance of community affairs on daily basis through associational life: elegbe jegbe (among the Yoruba), Ndi otu (among the Ibo) and Kungya (among the Hausa). It needs to be pointed out that associationalism permeates Nigerian public landscape as exemplified by economic susuism. Esusu[1] (among the Yoruba), Isusu (among the Ibo) and Adachi/Asusu (among the Hausa/Fulani). These structures of collective actions are similar to American system of collective action. The underlying principle of susuism is trust, which is based on the law of reciprocity described as ‘do to me and I do to you’: Se fun mi kin se fun o – (Yoruba); inye mu nye gi – (Ibo) Bani nbaka/Nkemu Zama – (Hausa/Fulani). It is this primordial associationalism that Nigerians can adopt now in resolving our challenges and problems through Africentric restructuring federalism. This is the time for us to engage in retrospection towards resolving our differences and build a strong nation.

One important feature of polycentric planning is that it helps in filling the gaps (problem-solving) between existing realities and expected goal. In view of the above, this paper designs restructuring mechanism to institutionalize community initiatives for the setting up of Self-Governing Community Assembly (SGCA) for the application of African Polycentric Democracy Domestication Model (APDDM) for domesticating democracy in Nigeria by adapting features of Africentric federalism to institutional arrangements that are self-organising and self-governing within rule-ruler-ruled configurations (Akinola, 2016c).

APDDM encapsulates sixteen (16) African problem-solving models for: (1) synergising the efforts of the Nigerian state and that of the people through polycentric planning and error correcting potentials (Akinola 2009b, 2010a:73-78, 2011a:40-47); (2) restructuring economic space through Economic ‘Susuism’ for generating self-reliant development through inward-looking, priority for full use of local resources, a system of collective ownership of the means of production and incorporation of excluded populations (Akinola, 2011h,l); (3) for securing food for the citizens, generating employment opportunities and distributing the benefits of economic growth among the citizenry (Akinola 2008f,p:193-195, 2011g); (4) for building peace and engineering people-centred development in the Niger Delta (Akinola 2011e); (5) for detecting, preventing, resolving conflicts and building peace for harmonious relations, co-habitation and shared community of understanding among herdsmen and farmers; (6) for making informal/endogenous sector agent of change in socio-economic and techno-political dimensions by harnessing the potentials of the sector towards nation-building and national development  (Akinola, 2015b); (7) for stopping corruption, pillage and bribery through collective efforts/actions of Nigerian citizens such that public resources are equitably shared to meeting the needs and aspirations of the people; (8) for crafting constitution that emanates from synergy of both the elite and non-elite through formulation of microconstitutions by all the interest groups at the community level; (9) for mainstreaming youth’s needs and legitimate aspirations into socio-economic and techno-political decisions; (10) for mainstreaming citizens-centred institutions in urban areas into socio-economic and political decision making so that citizens (including the urban poor) can participate effectively in decisions on redevelopment, thus entrenching good urban governance, citizens-centred environmental planning and development; (11) for building cost effective and durable roads; (12) for ensuring security of lives and property; (13) for inclusive democratisation; (14) for according women their rightful position, empowering, integrating and mainstreaming them into formal decision making; (15) for assessing the performance of politicians at the constituency level; and (16) for synergising the efforts of three major groups - governments, financial organisations and community institutions in addressing the problem of urban decadence and slums.

This paper is organised into three sections. The first part is the introduction, while the second section discusses restructuring the Nigeria state for economic inclusiveness, democratic peace and development. The second section is further divided into two parts. First, is the restructuring strategy and followed by methodology of how to domesticate democracy. Again the strategy of how dividend of democracy will trickle down to the electorate is discussed using economic susuism and polycentric privatisation planning strategy. The conclusion is drawn in section three.

Conceptual Clarifications

From the onset, it is important to clarify the issues of restructuring and federalism. While some people interpret restructuring as re-organising the administrative/political system of the country into regions as existed before independence in 1960, others see it as breaking up the country into smaller new nations as being agitated by the Indigenous People of Biafra (IPOB). Restructuring towards nation building can be defined as the process of crafting inclusive public sphere and political economy for effective engagements of citizens in socio-economic, techno-political and environmental decision making through polycentric planning, error correcting potentials and institutional mechanisms for true democratization and equitable distribution of resources via appropriate institutional arrangements that are self-organising and self-governing within rule-ruler-ruled configuration (Akinola, 2010a, 2011a, 2015a,b, 2016c, 2017f).

Within the context of Nigerian realities, federalism can be defined as an arrangement between the recognized tiers of government and the self-governing institutions designed to solve specific challenges and problems. This confirms Vincent Ostrom’s perspective of problem-solving federalism (V. Ostrom, 1994; 2000). Invariably, problem-solving federalism can be practically achieved via the setting up of Self-Governing Community Assembly in Nigeria (Akinola, 2016c). In this sense, Africentric restructuring federalism will mirror some lessons from the two American conventions that brought into practical terms the two sides of federalism – forms of government and problem-solving strategy.

Invariably, Africentric restructuring federalism will produce four fundamental imperatives of collective action that form the basis of problem-solving strategy – collegiality, mutual trust, reciprocity and shared community of understanding as the bedrock of democracy, which will help in resolving grievances, marginalisation, exclusion, agitation by the ethnic minorities, youth, women, retirees, etc, while early warning system, conflict prevention and peacebuilding will emerge.

Africentric restructuring is a deliberate construction by moulding different ethnic groups into a nation with emphasis on inclusion that practically emphasises aspirations and yearning of the citizenry: food, employment, security, health, education, industrialization, peace, etc. at the community, ward, local, state and federal levels. A shared community of understanding will produce constitutional reforms, effective planning and institutional arrangements that can enable Nigerians to work together to achieve justice, freedom, peace, meaningful progress and prosperity. At the heart of restructuring is the operation of Self-Governing Community Assembly (SGCA). Self-governing principles are rooted in collective action and community institutions that Nigerians have been using in navigating around obstacles before, during and after colonialism (see Akinola, 2010i, 2011a, 2015a).

2.0 RESTRUCTURING THE NIGERIA STATE FOR ECONOMIC INCLUSIVENESS, DEMOCRATIC PEACE AND DEVELOPMENT THROUGH POLYCENTRIC PLANNING STRATEGY

In order to restructure, we need to learn some lessons from the experience of the United States of America when the country had serious problems in the 18^th C. The scholars and intellectuals got involved in deliberation. For example, and relevant to the Nigeria’s context was an approach taken by the authors of The Federalist (Hamilton, Jay and Madison [1788] 1961), the participants in the Philadelphia Convention where they resolved on turning ideas to deeds – theory/knowledge to actions/realities (V. Ostrom, 2000:9) and in the Mayflower Compact, the Americans made commitment among citizens to solve their common problems together respectively (Tocqueville [1835-40] I, 1945:35; V. Ostrom 2000:12).

It is obvious that the type of restructuring that Nigeria needs is not regionalism but restructuring that will enable us confront and address our complex, complicated and hydra-headed challenges and problems that are bedevilling our country. Restructuring and domesticating democracy require the application of polycentric planning and federalism as a problem-solving strategy; rather than as only a form of government. This requires proper understanding of American federalism, and defining African federalism that will reflect collegiality through associational life and power of collectivity that exist among Nigerians within associational and democratic spaces.

            Therefore, the type of restructuring that Nigeria needs now should cover socio-economic and political realms that involves a deliberate construction by moulding different ethnic groups into a nation with emphasis on inclusion that practically emphasises aspirations and yearning of the citizenry: food, employment, security, health, education, industrialization, peace, etc. at the community, ward and local levels.

Restructuring requires the application of some problem-solving models and strategies such as: (1) African Public Sphere Restructuring Model (APSRM) for restructuring the public sphere in order to resolve political crisis, and then linking this to how people can work together, from community level, to address diverse challenges; (2) African Polycentric Democracy Domestication Model (APDDM) for domesticating democracy in Nigeria by adapting features of federalism to Nigerian/African realities through appropriate institutional arrangements that are self-organising and self-governing within rule-ruler-ruled configuration; (3) African Polycentric Information Networking (APIN) for creating networks between the leaders and the people for effective information sharing, communication and elimination of fake news; (4) African Electoral Reform and Democratisation (AERD) for inclusive democratisation; (5) African Politician Performance Assessment Model (APPAM) for assessing the performance of politicians at the constituency level, etc.

2.1 Application of African Problem-Solving Models and Strategies for Restructuring Nigeria

African Public Sphere Restructuring Model (APSRM)

African Public Sphere Restructuring Model (APSRM) is designed for restructuring the public sphere in order to resolve political crisis in Africa, and then linking this to how people can work together, from community level, to address diverse challenges (Akinola 2009b, 2010a, 2011a). APSRM is conceptualised as a deliberate act of setting up self-governing community assembly (SGCA) for deliberation, collegiality, mutual trust, reciprocity and shared community of understanding. APSRM emphasises two elements – deliberation and deliberateness/action. APSRM requires that African scholars should take the lead in this new arrangement. It derives inspirations and working mechanisms from twelve (12) African development models (Akinola 2007f,j; 2008f,m,p).

APSRM is diagrammatized in Fig. 1. The first part of the diagram displays the failure of structurally-defective public landscape and public policies in Africa as exemplified by parallel operations of the four terrains of public landscape (civil society; economic society; political society and public sphere) that has resulted into elite dominated economy and socio-economic and political crisis, which have, in turns deepened poverty and heightened human misery in Africa. This failure calls for a paradigm shift in governance structure to a new institutional arrangement whereby the efforts of the participants in the public terrains – politicians, bureaucrats, technocrats, multinationals, scholars and citizens – are synergized through public sphere restructuring mechanism (the second part).

Fig. 1: African Public Sphere Restructuring Model (APSRM)

Source: Akinola (2010a:76, 2010i:56, 2011a:44, 2013m:63).

The second step is a value re-orientation among African scholars, public officials, private sector/industrialists and other participants. Third, the participants would operate using rules that are crafted by members at the SGCA. Rule crafting takes place at three levels – constitutional, collective choice and operational. The methodology proposed for the implementation of polycentric planning requires the setting up of SGCA that embraces direct contact and (working in) collaboration with the people at the grassroots level through the various groups, interests and associations/organizations within local communities in an integrated fashion.

The restructuring process will involve participants through their institutions (governments with their agencies, higher institutions, community institutions) can operate in synergy. The foundation upon which SGCA will rest is already laid among the Yoruba of Western Nigeria as igbimo ilu (town court of legislators), opuwari among the Ijaw in Bayelsa State and mbogho among the Efik and Ibiobio of Cross River and Akwa Ibom States; and Mai-angwa among the Hausa-Fulani of Northern Nigeria. It is high time Africans looked back in retrospect to learn from their roots by harnessing certain self-governing principles that are inherent in their cultural heritage to address the problem of conflicts and insecurity.

2.2 Structure and Operations of Self-Governing Community Assembly (SGCA)

The necessity for the establishment of Self-Governing Community Assembly (SGCA) arises due to the problematics around productive outcomes of state bureaucratic structure of administration and political system. These two arrangements have been discovered to be weak and ineffective in enabling Nigerians to realise their yearnings and aspirations. The deficiency of the public sector based on arid reasoning of tragedy of the commons and the overbearing private sector in attempts to survive through excessive profits have all called for the emergence of the third sector called Self-Governing Institutions (SGIs).

As shown in Fig. 2, the first part of the structure of Self-Governing Community Assembly (SGCA) is the problematics of bureaucratic and political realms, expressed as state bureaucratic structure of administration and political system (liberal democracy) respectively. The state bureaucratic structure of administration exhibits red-tapism and choking of initiatives. The present political system, which is liberal democracy, is a share demonstration of violence, winner-takes-it-all and tyranny of the majority. The consequent failure of dividend of democracy to trickling down to the electorate – mass poverty – requires the search for an alternative system of government; hence self-governance emerged as an appropriate system for Africa. Self-governance, a form of democracy, is a system whereby the people are the governors of themselves. In order to properly understand the working mechanism of Self-Governing Community Assembly (SGCA), its structure needs to be clearly explained; hence the need for its diagrammatical expression in Fig. 2.

PROBLEMATICS ZONE

 

Public Officials

African Realities

SOLUTION ZONE

 

Activities at Sectoral Level

                         

 

Fig. 2: Structure and Operations of Self-Governing Community Assembly (SGCA)

Source: Adapted from Akinola (2016c:12).

At the solution zone, there is the need to engage in brainstorming, rethinking and then devise synergy that will consider African realities as imperative. This should be done by the strategic stakeholders – scholars, public officials, private sector/industrialists and self-governing institutions. The stakeholders should raise fundamental questions on peaceful and productive co-existence by factoring in African realities – African Collective Action, African Associational Life, African Endogenous Impulses, Adaptive Education (patterned after Oyerinde and Eyota’s model) (Ade-Ajayi, 1963:532; Akinola, 2005b).

The ten (10) fundamental questions on peaceful and productive co-existence are:

(1)  Are we a people?

(2)  If yes, can we live together peacefully?

(3)  If yes to question 2, what are the conditions of peaceful co-existence?

(4)  What should governments do in terms of human resources development and natural resources utilization and how should they do it?

(5)  What can people do alone without government intervention?

(6)  What can people do in tandem with government?

(7)  What can people do in conjunction with local industries?

(8)  What can people do with agricultural and other natural resources in their communities?

(9)  How can people handle the issues in numbers 4 to 8?

(10)   What should be the role of local people in shaping electoral system before, during and after elections to ensure the delivery of dividend of democracy?

If the answers to these questions are affirmative, then the stakeholders will move to the next stage, which is the design of the working mechanisms of SGCA. This requires the setting up of five committees, namely: (1) Economic Planning Committee, (2) Resources Mobilisation Committee, (3) Project Implementation Committee, (4) Conflict Prevention and Peace Building Committee, (5) Monitoring and Evaluation Committee. The committees will discuss and deliberate on certain tasks that include: (i) what the people can do together (common-pool resources), (ii) ownership of such enterprises – jointly owned by the people (individuals, groups, local governments etc.), (iii) the cost and execution of projects, (iv) monitoring of projects and (v) conflict detection, prevention and resolution. The mechanism will derive inspirations from adaptive education adopted by David Oyerinde of Ogbomoso and Eyota Ita of Calabar in Ogbomosho for cultivating adaptive education and endogenous development through Ogbomosho Progressive Union (Ade-Ajayi, 1963:532; Akinola, 2005b).

The design of the working mechanisms of SGCA will also consider rule crafting system because the participants in SGCA would operate using rules that are crafted by members at the SGCA. Rule crafting takes place at three levels – constitutional, collective choice and operational. At the constitutional level lies the system that determines how rules are made and can be modified. At the collective choice level, rules that define and constrain the actions of individuals and citizens have to be established. At the operational level, concrete actions have to be undertaken by those individuals most directly affected, or by public officials (McGinnis, 1999a; Akinola, 2007f, 2010a).

At the end of the day, methodological process of actions on projects will be designed and this will include traducture for implementation of the strategies adopted by the SGCA. At this stage, the roles of citizens before, during and after project construction shall be specified. Here, rules on corruption annihilation shall also be established using African Polycentric Corruption Annihilation Model (APCAM).

At the stage of implementation of projects and programmes, the role of polycentric planning should be defined in relation to social contract. SGCA comprises both elite and non-elite drawn from public and private sectors. The number of the existing interest groups varies from country to country. In Nigeria for instance, at least 20 of them have already been identified. They are: Traditional council, Religious groups, Community Development Associations, Co-operative Societies, Women Groups, Youth Wing, Civil Servant in various grades – bureaucrats and technocrats, professionals – Lawyers, Accountants, Planners (NITP/TOPREC), Builders, Architects etc., Nigeria Union of Teachers (NUT), Nigeria Union of Journalists (NUJ), Farmers Associations, Traders Unions, Carpenters Associations, Bricklayers Associations, Local branches of Nigeria Union of Road Transport Workers (NURTW), Commercial Motor-cycle Operators’ Associations, Ethnic Militia (OPC in the West, MEND in the Niger Delta, Bakassi/Egbesu Boys in the East and Arewa in the North), other Social Groups like Lion, Rotary, Alfa Clubs etc., Students’ Unions, Unemployed groups. In addition, public officials are members of SGCA as citizens and not as officials. They include: the military, the police, representatives of ministries and parastatals – agriculture, forestry, works, transport, health, sanitation, etc.

The organisation structure of SGCA will mirror the structure of existing SGIs – Chairman, Deputy Chairman, Secretary, Treasurer, PRO, etc. Members of SGCA will not be paid salary since they are already officers of their associations. The clarion call on them is to demonstrate patriotism and help in shaping and reshaping the operation of government through checks and balances. SGCA will provide preparatory platforms for leadership in government arena. However, if the needs arise that they have to travel outside their communities, they shall be paid modest transport allowance, while arrangements for lodging and feeding shall be made for them.

Each community will form/establish SGCA that comprises of representatives of all interest groups where they will address specific issues and questions as listed above. SGCA enables people to have insight into activities and operations that produce outcomes in human society, rather than be observer of outcomes. This connotes citizens’ enlightenment as governmental operations and activities at various levels are made transparent and thus provide the platforms or public accountability.

The SGCA as a multi-task assembly provides platform for cross-fertilisation of ideas among citizens and serves as a precursor for restructuring the public sphere and political economy. Since SGCA is a multi-tasks assembly, one of its operations will have to do with education and enlightenment of citizens so that public officials and the people in informal/endogenous sector operate within shared communities of understanding. The SGCA would also provide platform for assessing the performance of politicians at the constituency level using African Politician Performance Assessment Model (APPAM). The ruler-ruled configuration implies dominance, if rulers (politicians) cannot be effectively challenged and checked (V. Ostrom, 2000:ix). Consequently, SGCA would provide platform for citizens to express their views and/or grievances instead of going to the streets to protest.

Restructuring political economy and public sphere should be tied to specific action situations. Therefore, this document adopts polycentric planning that will help in actualizing five important issues: (1) re-orientation of values; (2) food security; (3) wealth creation; (4) employment generation; and (5) poverty eradication through the adoption and application of forty one (41) problem-solving and solution-seeking African development models that are strongly applicable to diverse policy issues in socio-economic, techno-political and environmental challenges in Nigeria.

The outcome of the restructuring is emergence of new institutional arrangements and problem-solving federalism, which would reflect integrative constitutional order in socio-economic and techno-political realms. It is this joint action and synergy by the four groups (scholars, public officials, private sector/industrialists and representatives of community self-governing institutions) that would eventually determine how government policies in all spheres of life are to be implemented. After the institutional arrangement has been designed, operational strategy for implementation of any programme/project (e.g. employment generation, food security, road development, poverty reduction, environmental management, electoral reform and democratisation, conflict detection, prevention and resolution, etc.) can then be fashioned out (see Akinola 2007f; 2008b,p). It is at this stage that any of the twelve models can be applied to any of the specific action situations. The result of restructuring as shown in Figs. 1 and 2 is sustainable development.

2.2.1 Problem-Solving Federalism and Examples of Tasks and Responsibilities at SGCA

a)     Eliminate the problem of information asymmetry (fake news) – Model No. 12 (see list of problem-solving models in Appendix I).

b)    Restructuring the public sphere in order to resolve political crisis (Model No. 9).

c)     Constitutionalism – Model No. 4.

d)    Budget Preparation – several models are useful as guides on income and expenditure.

e)     Corruption – Model No. 3.

f)     Food security – Model No. 15, 39.

g)     Retirees Welfare– Model No. 6.

h)    Industrialisation – transforming local raw materials into finished/semi-finished products in all sectors of the economy – Model No. 11, 26, 32, 39.

i)      Employment generation – Model No. 16, 26.

j)      Local Economic Development – Model No. 20, 21.

k)    Sustainable Road Development – Model No. 18.

l)      Electricity and water supply and resolution of leakages – Model No. 33.

m)   Poverty reduction – Several Models – Model No. 3, 4, 6, 12, 16, 20, 21, etc.

n)    Forestry, Climate Change Mitigation and Flood Control – Model No. 25, 35.

o)    Environmental management – Model No. 13, 14, 17, 35, 36, 41.

p)    Electoral reform and democratisation. SGCA as a clearing house for electoral candidates – Model No. 24.

q)    Nation Building - Incessant killings due to Herdsmen-Farmers conflicts – Model No. 7.

r)     Security of life and property e.g. (1) Aja-Ile in Ibadan; (2) Landlord-Tenant engagement (ID of all tenants be known) – Model No. 22.

s)     Conflict detection, prevention, resolution and peace building without the

use of force/soldiers e.g. Yoruba/Hausa clash in Ile-Ife, March 2017 – Model No. 23.

t)     Wage/salary committee members will be part of jury trials to prosecute corrupt government officials because they have access to relevant information.

u)    Project continuity - At the federal and state levels, the problem of contract review or abandoned projects by new administration will be resolved since decisions on contracts must have been reached by not only the last administration but by both the last administration and the people. Whoever wins elections, projects must continue. This will guarantee us project continuity that is a pre-requisite of sustainable democracy – Model No. 33.

v)    At the federal and state levels, award of contracts by a governor or president about three months to leave office will be queried and if not rational will be rejected by the SGCA.

w)   Rapid Response Squad – Cases that require immediate attention will be handled by SGCA (e.g. Underground ritual ground at Soka, Ibadan in April, 2014).

x)     If SGCA has been in place when Boko Haram started in 2009, their grievances and operations must have been addressed long ago through deliberations at SGCA.

y)    The passing into law of obnoxious and greedy Governor’s Pension of N200 million as severance package within 13 days (in one Eastern State) will be halted at the state level of SGCA. The Governor’s Pension law is worrisome in a state with about 65% unemployment rate and without public hearing.

2.3 Restructuring through African Polycentric Democracy Domestication Model (APDDM)

African Polycentric Democracy Domestication Model (APDDM) is designed for domesticating democracy in Africa (Akinola, 2016c) (Fig. 3a-b). It is conceptualised as a process of adapting features of American federalism to African realities through appropriate institutional arrangements that are self-organising and self-governing within rule-ruler-ruled configuration in Africa.

The problematics is that we equate elections to democracy in Africa, which is very wrong and misleading. Equating election to democracy in Africa has proved calamitous as elected officers are not accountable to the electorates after elections. Since elections in most African countries do not contribute to the processes of democratisation, this paper argues that it is imperative to go beyond elections to specify the roles of citizens before, during and after elections.

We need to apply federalism as a problem-solving strategy; rather than as only a form of government that is commonly known. The argument then is that if federalism is an indispensability of democracy, then the five features of federalism with 21 elements are imperatives for the existence of viable democracy (see V. Ostrom, 1994, 2000). If the 21 elements carry 100 marks, then election carries about five (5) marks, meaning election is just only 5% of democratization (see Table 1). We need to evaluate the impact of elections on democratization in Nigeria within the last 18 years (1999 to date) and then raise puzzle as the Americans did in the 18^th C (about 300 years ago). Hitherto, our democracy is perfectly equated to elections, whereas, election is an infinitesimal and fractional part of democratisation – 5%.

Table 1: Five Features of Federalism and 21 Elements of Federalism

A	Bill of Rights – Bill of rights in federalism is not private rights but public rights as contained in the constitution.  Citizens can relate with one another on lawful ground.
	1	Limits upon governmental authority
	2	Assign authority vested in “people” as “persons” or “citizens”
	3	Freedom of communication, and speech
	4	Protection of property
	5	Association
	6	Due process of law
	7	Rights exercisable in the context of interpersonal relationship
B	Separation of Power (Check Power by Power)
	8	Division of labor and separation of authority
	9	Multiple agency relationships
C	Structures of Citizen Participation in Decision Making
		Linking citizens and government
	10	i. ELECTION
	11	ii. Jury trials
	12	iii. Taxation
	13	iv. Associational life e.t.c.
	14	v. What is going on there rather than what is said on book.
	15	Constitutional prerogatives of individuals and governments
	16	Recognize harmonization between characteristics of customs and law
	17	Participatory links – citizens in government
D	Concurrent units of governments
	18	Distinguishes from unitary government
	19	What different levels of government can do.
E	Nongovernmental realm of society
	20	Allows and recognize dynamic linkages between governmental and nongovernmental realm
	21	Conditions of the citizens are more important than other things.

Source: V. Ostrom (1994, 2000); Tun Myint (2006); Akinola (2016c).

Domesticating democracy means that all the 21 elements of federalism should be emphasised and be involved by the citizens on daily basis through elegbe jegbe (associational life). The artisanship and creativity of a basket maker are quintessential and sine-qua-nom for weaving the 21 elements of federalism into a political ‘basket’ that contains all the interests and aspirations of the citizenry. All the issues that pertain to justice and checks and balances should be weaved around federalism and democratisation process.

PROBLEMATICS ZONE

 

Covenantal Arrangement

                       

 

Minimal Governance

Winner-Takes-It-All

     

 

Non-Party Members Disadvantaged

       START HERE

 

Fig. 3a: African Polycentric Democracy Domestication Model (APDDM)

Source: Akinola (2016c:11).

SOLUTION ZONE

 

Fig. 3b: African Polycentric Democracy Domestication Model (APDDM)

Source: Akinola (2016c:12).

It then means that we have to define our own federalism that will reflect collegiality by invoking the spirit of collective action among the participants within democratic space. For example, the notion of collegiality as derived from the power of collectivity and group association are clearly illustrated and understood among the Yoruba of south-western Nigeria through several expressions among which are: (1) Omode gbon agba gbon la fida Ile-Ife; (2) Owo omode ko to pepe, tagbalagba ko wo kerengbe; (3) Owo kan ko legbe eru d’ori; (4) Agbajo owo l’afi nsoya; (5) Enikan ki je awade, etc. (see Akinola, 2007a). The import of all these expressions is that the Yoruba people believe strongly in the power of collectivity and joint efforts, that are based on contractual relationships and building of trust and reciprocity in their day to day existence. Their joint efforts, right from the ages past, are invariably directed towards farming, hunting, building of houses, and finance.

In this vein, democracy can then be defined as self-governance – a system whereby the people govern themselves through institutions they designed themselves. In order word, it can be defined as a common-thought between the electorate and the elected. Americans raised puzzle, we Africans should also raise puzzle. Is it possible for us to live together as a people and organise a free, peaceful and prosperous society? This should be done from community level at SGCA up to the state and national levels. This also goes for our constitution. Then it will be valid for our constitution to open and read thus: ‘We, the People of the Federal Republic of Nigeria: HAVING firmly and solemnly resolved...’ This is what it means to domesticate democracy.

2.4 Restructuring Economic Space through Economic ‘Susuism’: A Polycentric Privatisation Planning Strategy

Restructuring economic space requires the adoption of a multidisciplinary engagement that can address economic challenges and problems comprehensively in a cross-sectoral fashion. The required step to take is to embark on restructuring our political economy through knowledge application to the utilisation of locally available resources using polycentric privatisation planning. It is rational to draw some lessons from one of the fathers of planning, Robert Owen (1799).

2.4.1 Robert Owen’s Industrial Village (1799) and Problem-Solving Entrepreneurship

I derived inspirations from the works of Robert Owen who used his initiatives and practical actions to solve specific problems in his own community. Robert Owen’s Industrial Village (1799), popularly called English Cooperative Movement influenced the lives of several people through industrial village he built for his weaving business at New Lanark in 1799. Owen constituted workers into cooperative and subjected them to better pay, shorter working hours and better housing, while he made provision for the education of various categories of people because he believed that poverty could be fought and eradicated through mass education. Owen’s paper is the first pieces of modern town planning to be worked out in details from political and economic premises to actual building plans and financial estimates (Podmore, 1906). This is a multidisciplinary and problem-solving approach to planning that NITP/TOPREC should emulate.

It is evident from the works of this father of planning that economic empowerment of citizens through employment opportunities was his preoccupation. As a planner, I believe I should make myself and my profession relevant to the society by linking up with government as I have been doing since 1992. In order to ensure that both Nigerian public officials and scholars/professionals (NITP/TOPREC) develop smooth working relations, an African Development Institutional Mechanism Model (ADIM) is adopted as Nigerian Development Institutional Mechanism Model (NDIM). With innovation coming from scholars/professionals and robust institutional arrangements, it will be easier for government to increase its presence and relevance at the community level. Similarly to Owen’s principles, abundant evidence attests to the fact that the Nigerian people, over the years, have embarked on shared strategies and problem-solving interdependencies through self-governing and self-organizing capabilities (Olowu, Ayo and Akande 1991; McGaffey 1992; Okotoni and Akinola 1996; IDS 2001; Akinola 2000; 2003a; 2004; 2005; 2006a,b,c; 2007a,b,d,f; 2008b; 2009a,b, 2010a,g, 2011a,b, 2012a,b, 2015a, 2016b,c,e).

For example, the adoption of the concept of Esusu can be of tremendous assistance in resolving Nigerian economic crisis. The underlying principle of Esusu is trust. From the introduction of the paper, it is discernible that the common denominator to all the ethnic groups is ‘Susuism.’ Hence, it is rational to think of economic susuism as an alternative way of restructuring our economic space and reviving our recessed economy, rather than relying on the old colonial ideology that has traumatised Nigerian well-being. If the concept and practice of economic ‘susuism’ is modernized and applied to economic space, there will be massive production of food and other goods by using locally available resources cum adaptive technology and industrialisation.

            These endogenous impulses should, of necessity, be incorporated into the change agenda of the present administration so that government programmes can be people-oriented. Looking inward and innovation are the best strategies that should be adopted now. ‘Looking inward and innovation’ refers to endogenous development that prioritises utilisation of endogenous knowledge management tools. Endogenous knowledge/development is inward-looking; prioritises full use of local resources, respects the local environment, encourages microbusinesses and co-operatives, provides a system of collective ownership of the means of production and incorporates excluded populations, generates dignified local employment, promotes our uniqueness, culture, style of life and of consumption and condemns the traditional economic model that focuses on independent accumulation of wealth and mass poverty (World Prout Assembly, 2005). In this wise, an African Endogenous Knowledge Development Model (AKEDEM) can be adopted for generating self-reliant development in Nigeria (Akinola, 2011h,l).

2.4.2 Application of African Polycentric Privatization Planning Model for 36 States and 774 Local Governments in Nigeria

            The adoption and implementation of AKEDEM would eventually make the 36 states to be viable. This will require translating innovative ideas from higher institutions into machines that are capable of enhancing agricultural productivity. Consequently, local economic ventures will be created, local resources will be fully utilized, different local industries will be developed, economic and revenue base will be diversified, employment will be generated for people and revenues for Local Governments (LGs) will increase. Further, using polycentric privatization planning, shareholding in, and joint ownership of local industries by the local people will empower the people economically; LGs will assume entrepreneurial roles; revenue base of LGs will be widened; oil/aid dependency syndrome will be broken; and states and LGs will be economically self-reliant and sustainable.

The major aim here is to use food security, industrialization, and employment generation implement innovative ideas and strategies on Knowledge Management and restructuring the political economy. The FGN would initiate community-based food security and industrialization programmes and at the same time, initiate and implement community-based investment projects to generate employment opportunities for citizens across the LGs and communities. As expected, State Governments in tandem with NITP/TOPREC will adopt the programmes (Fig. 4).

African Polycentric Privatisation Model (APPM) operates at two levels. At the first level, ownership of new public enterprises should be equitably distributed such that elite and bourgeoisies do not dominate the ownership arenas. A new structure that would allow public and private employees to own shares is designed. At the second level, by applying part of the principles that undergird African Food Security Model, new economic enterprises should be established at various economic centres sharing ownership among the people. The outcome of this would be equitable distribution of the benefits of economic growth among citizens (Akinola 2007f:233). The implementation strategy is highlighted under 15 stages as displayed in Fig. 5.

By the time Polycentric Public-Private Partnership (PPPP) is established at the state and local government levels across Nigeria using entrepreneurial capability for food production, local industrialisation and employment generation through effective linkage, partnership and collaboration between State Governments, higher institutions, industries and local communities, innovative ideas will be translated into machines that are capable of enhancing agricultural productivity in each state/LG. Consequently, local economic ventures will be created, local

Fig. 4: Diagrammatic Expression of the Implementation Strategy on the Working Mechanism of ALEDS towards Polycentric Privatisation.

Source: Adapted from Akinola (2007f:233, 2008p:192).

Implementation Strategy is highlighted under the following 15 stages.

Fig. 5: The Process of the Proposed Polycentric Privatisation towards Poverty Reduction in Nigeria

The application of the models discussed above would enable Nigerian citizens to operate in synergy to resolving issues of daily existence, and then linking this to how people can work together at community level (i) for securing food for the citizens, (ii) for generating employment opportunities, (iii) for enhancing economic growth through local industrialization, and (iv) for distributing the benefits of economic growth among the citizenry.

By the time Polycentric Public-Private Partnership (PPPP) is established at the state and local government levels across Nigeria using entrepreneurial capability for food production, local industrialisation and employment generation through effective linkage, partnership and collaboration between State Governments, higher institutions, NITP/TOPREC, industries and local communities, innovative ideas will be translated into machines that are capable of enhancing agricultural productivity in each state/LG. Consequently, local economic ventures will be created, local resources will be fully utilized, different local industries will be developed, economic and revenue base will be diversified, employment will be generated for the local people and revenues for Local Government will increase. Further, using polycentric privatization planning, shareholding in, and joint ownership of local industries by the local people will empower the people economically, LGs will assume entrepreneurial roles, revenue base of LGs will be widened, oil/aid dependency syndrome will be broken, and states and LGs will be economically self-reliant and sustainable.

3.0  CONCLUSION

This paper concludes that true restructuring that will address fundamental challenges and problems that are confronting Nigeria state in all ramifications is what is needed now. Such challenges and problems include: marginalisation, minority exclusion, disconnect, poverty, corruption, unemployment, insecurity, food crisis, infrastructural deficits, underdevelopment, housing deficits, bad roads, etc. It is an all-embracing restructuring that will permeate political, socio-economic, environmental, technological realms. Restructuring on political realm requires restructuring the public sphere and political economy and domesticating democracy which will enable us to commence the task of nation building. At the heart of restructuring is the setting-up and operation of Self-governing Community Assembly (SGCA), where stakeholders/participants in tandem with NITP/TOPREC would operate using rules that are crafted by members at the SGCA.

Nation building is a deliberate construction by moulding different ethnic groups into a nation. In order to address nation-building, efforts should be directed at inclusion that practically emphasises aspirations and yearning of the citizenry: food, employment, security, health, education, industrialization, peace, etc. at the community, ward, local, state and federal levels. Nation-building requires synergy among key actors and elimination of exclusion which is only possible through restructuring the public sphere and political economy. The outcome of restructuring is that ethnic minorities, youth, women, retirees, etc. will feel belonged, while early warning system, conflict prevention and peacebuilding will emerge.

Using polycentric planning, this paper adopts Africentric restructuring federalism as a problem-solving entrepreneurship by engaging in retrospection into Nigerian socio-economic and cultural configurations of economic ‘susuism’ that is capable of bailing the country out of the present economic recession, resolving our differences and build a strong nation. Consequently, on economic realm, the Nigeria’s economic crisis can be addressed when innovative strategies are adopted in restructuring and re-orientating the 36 States and 774 Local Governments to look inward and become active agents and centres of change in the production of goods and services using locally available resources to harness food security, industrialisation and employment potentials. In this realm, polycentric privatization planning model will help in reversing the present trends of independent accumulation of wealth from economic growth that perpetuates mass poverty among the workers through equitable distribution of wealth using polycentric privatization mechanism.

By networking with stakeholders, innovations from universities/polytechnics would be developed by industrialists and consequently, popularized by governments among various occupational groups in informal/endogenous sector. This will help in utilizing the country’s potentials – natural, human, institutional and entrepreneurial resources – to build the nation by turning natural resources to products and thereby generating employment, reducing poverty, creating wealth, securing food, protecting environment, etc.

On nation-building, the paper highlights creative innovations from Nigerian higher institutions that can be applied to enhance development for the consumption of larger community for nation-building. The paper emphasizes that effective nation-building demands inclusive governance that emphasizes aspirations and yearning of citizenry: food, employment, security, health, peace, etc. within the nation. Nation-building requires synergy among key actors and elimination of exclusion which is only possible through restructuring the public sphere and political economy and domesticating democracy. Restructuring and democracy domestication require the application of federalism as a problem-solving strategy; rather than as only a form of government. The outcome of restructuring is that ethnic minorities, youth, women, retirees, etc. will feel belonged, while early warning system, conflict prevention and peacebuilding will emerge.

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APPENDIX I

Innovative Works - Problem-Solving and Home-Grown Models:

I have developed Thirty Nine (39) problem-solving and solution-seeking African development models that are strongly applicable to diverse policy issues in socio-economic and techno-political challenges in Nigeria. The models are listed below:

1.   African Justice-Peace Achievement and Prosperity Model (AJPAPM) for entrenching justice, peace and prosperity for the citizenry and countries in Africa through a deliberate effort and a process for redressing injustice at various levels and layers of human interactions at interpersonal, intercommunity, organisational and governmental levels (Akinola, 2014j).

2.   African Polycentric Democracy Domestication Model (APDDM) for domesticating democracy in Africa by adapting features of American federalism to African realities through appropriate institutional arrangements that are self-organising and self-governing within rule-ruler-ruled configuration in Africa. (Akinola, 2014i).

3.   African Polycentric Corruption Annihilation Model (APCAM) for stopping corruption, pillage and bribery through collective efforts/actions of Nigerian citizens such that public resources are equitably shared to meeting the needs and aspirations of the people. By adopting Yoruba vocabulary, the model engages government activities, projects, programmes and contracts at the Self-Governing Community Corruption Annihilation Assembly (SGCCAA) at three levels of tasks (Constitutional, Collective Choice and Operational) and four administrative levels (Federal, State, Local, and Ward/Community) (Akinola, 2014h).

4.     African Polycentric Constitutional Crafting Model (APCCM) for crafting constitution that emanates from synergy of both the elite and non-elite through formulation of microconstitutions by all the interest groups at the community level and thereby serves as a proxy for people-oriented political economy, which reflects economic, social and cultural rights of the citizenry (Akinola 2014g).

5.     African Polycentric Youth Mainstreaming and Empowerment Model for mainstreaming youth’s needs and legitimate aspirations into socio-economic and techno-political decisions, thereby empowering them and preparing them for effective and true leadership position in the nearest future (Akinola, 2014k).

6.     African Retirement and Economic Empowerment Model (AREEM) is conceptualized as a process of synergizing the efforts of retirees such that their retirement benefits are pooled as seed money for investment in their locality. AREEM deviates from state-based model that is fraught with pillage, plundering and looting of pension funds with the consequence of abandonment of pensioners by government (Akinola, 2013l).

7.     African Polycentric Informal/Endogenous Engagement and Nation-Building Model (APIEENBM) for making informal/endogenous sector as agent of change in socio-economic and techno-political dimensions by harnessing the potentials of the sector towards nation-building and national development (Akinola, 2015).

8.     African Intellectual Gap Measurement Model (AIGMM) for measuring intellectual potentials and relevance of African Universities/polytechnics as well as intellectual gap(s) among African scholars with the aim of reforming African educational curriculum and making African scholarship problem-solving and solution seeking (Akinola 2008m, 2010f);

9.     African Public Sphere Restructuring Model (APSRM) for restructuring the public sphere in order to resolve political crisis in Africa, and then linking this to how people can work together, from community level, to address diverse challenges (Akinola 2009b, 2010a:73-78, 2011a:40-47).

10.  African Development Institutional Mechanism (ADIM) for connecting all the stakeholders in development at various levels of decision making (Akinola 2007f:230-233, 2008p:188);

11.  African Polycentric Development Planning Model (APDPM) for operationalising African Development Brain-Box (ADBB), in generating, adapting and disseminating innovative ideas through experimental stations on pilot scales to community-end-users (Akinola 2008p:186-187, 2010i:47-58).

12.  African Polycentric Information Networking (APIN) for creating networks between the leaders and the people for effective information sharing and communication (Akinola 2008p:188-189);

13.   African Polycentric Urban Governance Model (APUGM) for mainstreaming urban citizens-centred institutions in decision making, thus entrenching good urban governance, citizens-centred planning and development in Africa (Akinola 2011k);

14.   African Polycentric Urban Environmental Governance Model (APUEGM) capable of mainstreaming citizens-centred institutions in urban areas into socio-economic and political decision making so that citizens (including the urban poor) can participate effectively in decisions on redevelopment, thus entrenching good urban governance, citizens-centred environmental planning and development in Africa (Akinola 2014p);

15.  African Food Security Model (AFSM) for securing food for the citizens (Akinola 2008f,p:193-195, 2011g);

16.  African Employment Generation Model (AGEM) for generating employment opportunities (Akinola 2008f,p:193-195, 2009d);

17.  African Sustainable Environment Model (ASEM) for conserving and protecting environmental resources (Akinola 2008q);

18.  African Road Triology (ART) for building cost effective and durable roads (Akinola 1998, 2009b);

19.  African Community-Initiatives and Development Model (ACID) for empowering the people economically and reducing poverty (Akinola 2000:186-187);

20.  African Local Economic Development Strategy (ALEDS) for enhancing economic growth through local industrialization and sustaining development (2007f:233; 2008d,f,p:190-191);

21.  African Polycentric Privatization Model (APPM) for distributing the benefits of economic growth among the citizenry (Akinola 2007f:233);

22.  African Polycentric Security Model (APSM) for ensuring security of lives and property (Akinola 2009a);

23.  African Conflict Prevention and Peace Building (ACPPB) for detecting and preventing conflict as well as building peace (Akinola 2008p:189, 2009b:96);

24.  African Electoral Reform and Democratisation (AERD) for inclusive democratisation (Akinola 2008p:192-193, 2009b:98);

25.  African Polycentric Forest Management Model (APFMM) for preserving and sustaining forest resources (Akinola 2007i);

26.  African Human Resources Development and Utilisation Model (AHRDUM) for bridging the gaps between developers and utilisers of human resources in Africa (Akinola 2011c);

27.  African Education Reform Model (AERM) for reforming higher education system and making it organic, problem-solving and solution-seeking (Akinola 2010f);

28.  Niger-Delta Post-Amnesty Development Model (NDPADM) for building peace and engineering people-centred development in the Niger Delta (Akinola 2011e);

29.  Niger Delta Women Empowerment and Mainstreaming Model (NDWEMM) for according women their rightful position, empowering, integrating and mainstreaming them into formal decision making, where they can demonstrate their full potentials towards developmental activities and governance of community affairs (Akinola 2010d);

30.  African Politician Performance Assessment Model (APPAM) for assessing the performance of African politicians at the constituency level. The relevance of politicians to their community through Politician Score Card (PSC) helps politicians to make adjustment in their conducts by ensuring effective utilization of local resources towards entrepreneurial development, techno-economic opportunities and citizens’ empowerment (Akinola 2010f,i);

31.  Niger Delta Polycentric Sustainable Environment Model (NDPSEM) for reducing vulnerability occasioned by climate change in time of disaster in the Niger Delta (Akinola 2011h);

32.  African Endogenous Knowledge Development Model (AKEDEM) designed for generating self-reliant development in Africa (Akinola 2011j);

33.  Niger Delta Polycentric Public Service Delivery Model (NDPPSDM) designed for connecting the public authority with people-oriented institutions at evolving public sector reforms that will complete six essential stages of project development – survey, analysis, construction, monitoring, evaluation and maintenance (Akinola 2011i);

34.   African Polycentric Public-Private Solid Waste Management Model (APPPSWM) for engaging the private sector in solid waste management to turning waste to wealth, provide jobs for citizens and make available comparatively cheaper and better (organic) fertilizer that is environmentally friendly; thus achieving a healthy and aesthetic environment (Akinola 2011l, 2015 WABER);

35.  African Polycentric Urban Greenery Model (APUGryM) is designed to improve synergy between scholars, public officials and citizens in urban greenery with the purpose of increasing urban green cover so as to: (1) allows percolation of rain water and regulate the flow of storm water instead of rushing down the streets and makes drainage to overflow and causes flooding, and (2) reduce erosion, debris and silts that cause siltation and sedimentation of Atlantic Ocean and Lagoon that are noted for rising sea level and coastal flooding (Akinola 2012n:91-94);

36.  African Polycentric Urban Renewal Model (APURM) is designed for synergising the efforts of three major groups - governments, financial organisations and community institutions in addressing the problem of urban decadence and slums in Africa (Akinola, et. al, 2013b:13-15);

37.  Nigerian Building Construction Triology Model (NBCTM) establishes that building construction should be placed on tripod stand of survey, construction and monitoring/maintenance (SCM). The triology of building construction – survey, construction and monitoring/maintenance (SCM) – pre-conditions durable and sustainable buildings as it serves as efficacy of providing resilience and mitigation to climate change (Akinola, et. al, 2014t); and

38.  African Polycentric Public Private New Town Development Model (APPPNTDM) has its roots in existing cities where problems of urbanization have chocked good things of life out of existence. APPPNTDM conceptualizes new town as an organic community where knowledge management tools are used to generate endogenous economy capable of harnessing endogenous knowledge towards the utilisation of environmental resources in addressing the needs, aspirations and yearnings of citizens through inward-looking, priority on full use of local resources, encouragement of microbusinesses and co-operatives, collective ownership of the means of production, incorporation of excluded populations, generation of dignified local employment, etc. The model provides the platform for actualizing democratization which is the colossal restructuring of the mentality (Akinola, 2015c).

39.  African Polycentric Technological Development Model (APTDM) designed for generating technologically inclined smart community and self-reliant development by adopting eco-green framework for appropriate technology in Africa (Akinola, 2017a). It derives inspirations from AERM, AIGMM and AKEDEM (Akinola 2010f, 2011j). It is conceptualised as home-grown technology or appropriate technology; a practise of co-creation involving social and material aspects, social and natural sciences, and societal and technological developments (Akinola, 2018b).

40.  African Polycentric Climate Change Mitigation Model (APCCMM) is designed for mitigating the impact of climate change by emphasising good governance and accountability of leadership in Africa in relation to the enforcement of climate mitigation standards within economic society (business mogul) who are financiers of elections (Akinola, 2018c).

41.  African Polycentric Herdsmen-Farmers Conflict Resolution and Peace-building Model (APHFCRPM) for detecting, preventing, resolving conflicts and building peace for harmonious relations, co-habitation and shared community of understanding among herdsmen and farmers in Nigeria and Africa (Akinola, 2018d).

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[1] There are three distinct social organizations as forms of co-operations among the Yoruba of South-western Nigeria which are: (1) Aaro, (2) Owe, and (3) Esusu. (1) Aaro is a cooperative system devoted for bush clearing or farm cultivation, including harvesting, and is strictly rotational among the group members. (2) Owe is applied, more often than not, to house construction and, occasionally, to harvesting of crops.  (3)  Esusu applies to a group of people who come together to start a round of periodic (daily, weekly, monthly, market days) cash contributions that are then given to each member in turn until all members have had their turn (see Akinola, 2007a).